Read the excerpt below and then answer the question: Brown v. Board of Education Mr. Chief Justice Warren delivered the opinion of the Court. These cases come to us from the States of Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia, and Delaware. They are premised on different facts and different local conditions, but a common legal question justifies their consideration together in this consolidated opinion. In each of the cases, minors of the Negro race, through their legal representatives, seek the aid of the courts in obtaining admission to the public schools of their community on a nonsegregated basis. In each instance, they had been denied admission to schools attended by white children under laws requiring or permitting segregation according to race. This segregation was alleged to deprive the plaintiffs of the equal protection of the laws under the Fourteenth Amendment. In each of the cases other than the Delaware case, a three-judge federal district court denied relief to the plaintiffs on the so-called "separate but equal" doctrine announced by this Court in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 . Under that doctrine, equality of treatment is accorded when the races are provided substantially equal facilities, even though these facilities be separate. In the Delaware case, the Supreme Court of Delaware adhered to that doctrine, but ordered that the plaintiffs be admitted to the white schools because of their superiority to the Negro schools. The plaintiffs contend that segregated public schools are not "equal" and cannot be made "equal," and that hence they are deprived of the equal protection of the laws. Because of the obvious importance of the question presented, the Court took jurisdiction. Argument was heard in the 1952 Term, and reargument was heard this Term on certain questions propounded by the Court. Reargument was largely devoted to the circumstances surrounding the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868. It covered exhaustively consideration of the Amendment in Congress, ratification by the states, then-existing practices in racial segregation, and the views of proponents and opponents of the Amendment. This discussion and our own investigation convince us that, although these sources cast some light, it is not enough to resolve the problem with which we are faced. At best, they are inconclusive. . . . . . . [T]here are findings below that the Negro and white schools involved have been equalized, or are being equalized, with respect to buildings, curricula, qualifications and salaries of teachers, and other "tangible" factors. Our decision, therefore, cannot turn on merely a comparison of these tangible factors in the Negro and white schools involved in each of the cases. We must look instead to the effect of segregation itself on public education. In approaching this problem, we cannot turn the clock back to 1868, when the Amendment was adopted, or even to 1896, when Plessy v. Ferguson was written. We must consider public education in the light of its full development and its present place in American life throughout the Nation. Only in this way can it be determined if segregation in public schools deprives these plaintiffs of the equal protection of the laws. . . . In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity, where the state has undertaken to provide it, is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms. We come then to the question presented: Does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities and other "tangible" factors may be equal, deprive the children of the minority group of equal educational opportunities? We believe that it does. We conclude that, in the field of public education, the doctrine of "separate but equal" has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal. Therefore, we hold that the plaintiffs and others similarly situated for whom the actions have been brought are, by reason of the segregation complained of, deprived of the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. This disposition makes unnecessary any discussion whether such segregation also violates the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Because these are class actions, because of the wide applicability of this decision, and because of the great variety of local conditions, the formulation of decrees in these cases presents problems of considerable complexity. On reargument, the consideration of appropriate relief was necessarily subordinated to the primary question—constitutionality of segregation in public education. We have now announced that such segregation is a denial of the equal protection of the laws. What is the plaintiffs’ main concern about the state of public schools in Brown v. Board of Education ?

The schools were racially segregated, which led to a lower quality of education for some students in Topeka.

The curriculum was outdated and biased, which led to a poor quality of education in Topeka.

The teachers were not credentialed, which led to disparities within the Topeka school system.

The school buildings were in poor condition, which caused low attendance rates in Topeka.

Read the excerpt below then answer the following question: Brown v. Board of Education Mr. Chief Justice Warren delivered the opinion of the Court. These cases come to us from the States of Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia, and Delaware. They are premised on different facts and different local conditions, but a common legal question justifies their consideration together in this consolidated opinion. In each of the cases, minors of the Negro race, through their legal representatives, seek the aid of the courts in obtaining admission to the public schools of their community on a nonsegregated basis. In each instance, they had been denied admission to schools attended by white children under laws requiring or permitting segregation according to race. This segregation was alleged to deprive the plaintiffs of the equal protection of the laws under the Fourteenth Amendment. In each of the cases other than the Delaware case, a three-judge federal district court denied relief to the plaintiffs on the so-called "separate but equal" doctrine announced by this Court in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 . Under that doctrine, equality of treatment is accorded when the races are provided substantially equal facilities, even though these facilities be separate. In the Delaware case, the Supreme Court of Delaware adhered to that doctrine, but ordered that the plaintiffs be admitted to the white schools because of their superiority to the Negro schools. The plaintiffs contend that segregated public schools are not "equal" and cannot be made "equal," and that hence they are deprived of the equal protection of the laws. Because of the obvious importance of the question presented, the Court took jurisdiction. Argument was heard in the 1952 Term, and reargument was heard this Term on certain questions propounded by the Court. Reargument was largely devoted to the circumstances surrounding the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868. It covered exhaustively consideration of the Amendment in Congress, ratification by the states, then-existing practices in racial segregation, and the views of proponents and opponents of the Amendment. This discussion and our own investigation convince us that, although these sources cast some light, it is not enough to resolve the problem with which we are faced. At best, they are inconclusive. . . . . . . [T]here are findings below that the Negro and white schools involved have been equalized, or are being equalized, with respect to buildings, curricula, qualifications and salaries of teachers, and other "tangible" factors. Our decision, therefore, cannot turn on merely a comparison of these tangible factors in the Negro and white schools involved in each of the cases. We must look instead to the effect of segregation itself on public education. In approaching this problem, we cannot turn the clock back to 1868, when the Amendment was adopted, or even to 1896, when Plessy v. Ferguson was written. We must consider public education in the light of its full development and its present place in American life throughout the Nation. Only in this way can it be determined if segregation in public schools deprives these plaintiffs of the equal protection of the laws. . . . In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity, where the state has undertaken to provide it, is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms. We come then to the question presented: Does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities and other "tangible" factors may be equal, deprive the children of the minority group of equal educational opportunities? We believe that it does. We conclude that, in the field of public education, the doctrine of "separate but equal" has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal. Therefore, we hold that the plaintiffs and others similarly situated for whom the actions have been brought are, by reason of the segregation complained of, deprived of the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. This disposition makes unnecessary any discussion whether such segregation also violates the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Because these are class actions, because of the wide applicability of this decision, and because of the great variety of local conditions, the formulation of decrees in these cases presents problems of considerable complexity. On reargument, the consideration of appropriate relief was necessarily subordinated to the primary question—constitutionality of segregation in public education. We have now announced that such segregation is a denial of the equal protection of the laws. What is the fundamental idea behind the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which is mentioned in Brown v. Board of Education ?

The Fourteenth Amendment secures the rights of citizenship to all Americans.

The Fourteenth Amendment makes slavery illegal in the United States.

The Fourteenth Amendment declares segregation of schools illegal in America.

The Fourteenth Amendment offers voting rights to all American males.

Read the excerpt below then answer the question that follows: Brown v. Board of Education Mr. Chief Justice Warren delivered the opinion of the Court. These cases come to us from the States of Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia, and Delaware. They are premised on different facts and different local conditions, but a common legal question justifies their consideration together in this consolidated opinion. In each of the cases, minors of the Negro race, through their legal representatives, seek the aid of the courts in obtaining admission to the public schools of their community on a nonsegregated basis. In each instance, they had been denied admission to schools attended by white children under laws requiring or permitting segregation according to race. This segregation was alleged to deprive the plaintiffs of the equal protection of the laws under the Fourteenth Amendment. In each of the cases other than the Delaware case, a three-judge federal district court denied relief to the plaintiffs on the so-called "separate but equal" doctrine announced by this Court in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 . Under that doctrine, equality of treatment is accorded when the races are provided substantially equal facilities, even though these facilities be separate. In the Delaware case, the Supreme Court of Delaware adhered to that doctrine, but ordered that the plaintiffs be admitted to the white schools because of their superiority to the Negro schools. The plaintiffs contend that segregated public schools are not "equal" and cannot be made "equal," and that hence they are deprived of the equal protection of the laws. Because of the obvious importance of the question presented, the Court took jurisdiction. Argument was heard in the 1952 Term, and reargument was heard this Term on certain questions propounded by the Court. Reargument was largely devoted to the circumstances surrounding the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868. It covered exhaustively consideration of the Amendment in Congress, ratification by the states, then-existing practices in racial segregation, and the views of proponents and opponents of the Amendment. This discussion and our own investigation convince us that, although these sources cast some light, it is not enough to resolve the problem with which we are faced. At best, they are inconclusive. . . . . . . [T]here are findings below that the Negro and white schools involved have been equalized, or are being equalized, with respect to buildings, curricula, qualifications and salaries of teachers, and other "tangible" factors. Our decision, therefore, cannot turn on merely a comparison of these tangible factors in the Negro and white schools involved in each of the cases. We must look instead to the effect of segregation itself on public education. In approaching this problem, we cannot turn the clock back to 1868, when the Amendment was adopted, or even to 1896, when Plessy v. Ferguson was written. We must consider public education in the light of its full development and its present place in American life throughout the Nation. Only in this way can it be determined if segregation in public schools deprives these plaintiffs of the equal protection of the laws. . . . In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity, where the state has undertaken to provide it, is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms. We come then to the question presented: Does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities and other "tangible" factors may be equal, deprive the children of the minority group of equal educational opportunities? We believe that it does. We conclude that, in the field of public education, the doctrine of "separate but equal" has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal. Therefore, we hold that the plaintiffs and others similarly situated for whom the actions have been brought are, by reason of the segregation complained of, deprived of the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. This disposition makes unnecessary any discussion whether such segregation also violates the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Because these are class actions, because of the wide applicability of this decision, and because of the great variety of local conditions, the formulation of decrees in these cases presents problems of considerable complexity. On reargument, the consideration of appropriate relief was necessarily subordinated to the primary question—constitutionality of segregation in public education. We have now announced that such segregation is a denial of the equal protection of the laws. Why did the Supreme Court decide to overturn Plessy v. Ferguson , as explained in Brown v. Board of Education ?

Separate is inherently unequal.

Education is important for all races.

School policies should be uniform.

Citizenship requires voting rights.

Read the excerpt from Brown v. Board of Education . They are premised on different facts and different local conditions, but a common legal question justifies their consideration together in this consolidated opinion. Based on this excerpt, The Supreme Court chose to consider the case due to...

a legal issue shared by a number of cases.

the wide variety of facts presented to them.

the condition of schools in remote localities.

a concern about the treatment of citizens.

Read the excerpt from Brown v. Board of Education . In each of the cases other than the Delaware case, a three-judge federal district court denied relief to the plaintiffs on the so-called "separate but equal" doctrine announced by this Court in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 . The Supreme Court cites these cases because it seeks to...

establish the existing legal standard for education.

describe the unique situation in Delaware courts.

illustrate the racial biases of federal court judges.

share the unique differences between the given cases.

Read the excerpt from Brown v. Board of Education . We must consider public education in the light of its full development and its present place in American life throughout the Nation. Why does the Supreme Court make this distinction?

The court recognizes that the current delivery of education might compromise citizens’ rights.

The court recognizes that the US education system has evolved over time.

The court recognizes that people in some localities are being treated unfairly by teachers.

The court recognizes that segregated schools require additional federal funding.

Read the excerpt from Brown v. Board of Education . In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Why does the Supreme Court assert this fact?

to highlight the significance of equal access to education

to highlight the idea that a child’s potential can be measured

to illustrate how desegregation will be implemented

to illustrate the importance of high academic standards

Read the excerpt from a supporting opinion of the Supreme Court’s ruling in Plessy v. Ferguson . If the civil and political rights of both races be equal, one cannot be inferior to the other civilly or politically. If one race be inferior to the other socially, the Constitution of the United States cannot put them upon the same plane. How does this relate to the premises of Brown v. Board of Education ?

The Brown case questions whether separate schools based on race inherently render one inferior to the other.

The Brown case questions whether educators treat students differently based on their race.

The Brown case addresses whether separate entrances and water fountains suggest that one race is inferior to another.

The Brown case addresses whether separate schools hinder the political and intellectual potential of certain citizens.

Read the excerpt from “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” I have the honor of serving as president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in every southern state, with headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia. What is King’s purpose for including this sentence?

to establish his professional credentials

to emphasize his own Southern roots

to illustrate the depth of his religious faith

to explain his ties to the city of Atlanta

Read the excerpt from “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. King includes this sentence to...

draw attention to the interrelationship of events.

illustrate the connectivity of his professional network.

challenge the concept of predetermined destiny.

explain his plan for a peaceful demonstration.

Read the excerpt from Dr. Martin Luther King’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct action campaign that was "well timed" in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. What is the author’s purpose for including this sentence?

to explain his unwillingness to postpone his efforts

to establish the suffering experienced under segregation

to define the concept of a direct action campaign

to criticize the public officials who endorse segregation

Read the excerpt from Dr. Martin Luther King’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” You suddenly find your tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your six year old daughter why she can't go to the public amusement park that has just been advertised on television, and see tears welling up in her eyes when she is told that Funtown is closed to colored children. What is the author’s purpose for including this sentence? to explain the disparity of segregated parks

to emphasize his personal connection to segregation

to illustrate the cruelty and violence of a segregated South

to describe the daily struggles of black children

to explain the disparity of segregated parks

Read the excerpt from Dr. Martin Luther King’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” In no sense do I advocate evading or defying the law, as would the rabid segregationist. King includes this sentence to...

distinguish himself from radicals.

praise the efforts of local police.

clarify the purpose of his protest.

define the term “segregationist.”

Read the excerpt from Dr. Martin Luther King’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will. What is the author’s purpose for including this sentence?

to condemn the insincerity of his critics’ advice

to contrast the motivations of people in power

to explain the need for mutual understanding

to criticize people who treat others cruelly

Read the excerpt from Dr. Martin Luther King’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” It is unfortunate that demonstrations are taking place in Birmingham, but it is even more unfortunate that the city's white power structure left the Negro community with no alternative. How does King support this claim?

by describing Birmingham’s record of injustice

by providing the names of corrupt public figures

by explaining Birmingham’s segregationists laws

by quoting the racist sentiments of city leaders

Read the excerpt from Dr. Martin Luther King’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. How does King support this claim? Below is the whole letter if you need it: Letter from Birmingham Jail by Martin Luther King Jr. 16 April 1963 My Dear Fellow Clergymen: While confined here in the Birmingham city jail, I came across your recent statement calling my present activities "unwise and untimely." Seldom do I pause to answer criticism of my work and ideas. If I sought to answer all the criticisms that cross my desk, my secretaries would have little time for anything other than such correspondence in the course of the day, and I would have no time for constructive work. But since I feel that you are men of genuine good will and that your criticisms are sincerely set forth, I want to try to answer your statement in what I hope will be patient and reasonable terms. I think I should indicate why I am here in Birmingham, since you have been influenced by the view which argues against "outsiders coming in." I have the honor of serving as president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in every southern state, with headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some eighty-five affiliated organizations across the South, and one of them is the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. Frequently we share staff, educational and financial resources with our affiliates. Several months ago the affiliate here in Birmingham asked us to be on call to engage in a nonviolent direct action program if such were deemed necessary. We readily consented, and when the hour came we lived up to our promise. So I, along with several members of my staff, am here because I was invited here. I am here because I have organizational ties here. But more basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. Just as the prophets of the eighth century B.C. left their villages and carried their "thus saith the Lord" far beyond the boundaries of their home towns, and just as the Apostle Paul left his village of Tarsus and carried the gospel of Jesus Christ to the far corners of the Greco Roman world, so am I compelled to carry the gospel of freedom beyond my own home town. Like Paul, I must constantly respond to the Macedonian call for aid. Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can never be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds. You deplore the demonstrations taking place in Birmingham. But your statement, I am sorry to say, fails to express a similar concern for the conditions that brought about the demonstrations. I am sure that none of you would want to rest content with the superficial kind of social analysis that deals merely with effects and does not grapple with underlying causes. It is unfortunate that demonstrations are taking place in Birmingham, but it is even more unfortunate that the city's white power structure left the Negro community with no alternative. In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: collection of the facts to determine whether injustices exist; negotiation; self purification; and direct action. We have gone through all these steps in Birmingham. There can be no gainsaying the fact that racial injustice engulfs this community. Birmingham is probably the most thoroughly segregated city in the United States. Its ugly record of brutality is widely known. Negroes have experienced grossly unjust treatment in the courts. There have been more unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in any other city in the nation. These are the hard, brutal facts of the case. On the basis of these conditions, Negro leaders sought to negotiate with the city fathers. But the latter consistently refused to engage in good faith negotiation. . . . You may well ask: "Why direct action? Why sit ins, marches and so forth? Isn't negotiation a better path?" You are quite right in calling for negotiation. Indeed, this is the very purpose of direct action. Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored. My citing the creation of tension as part of the work of the nonviolent resister may sound rather shocking. But I must confess that I am not afraid of the word "tension." I have earnestly opposed violent tension, but there is a type of constructive, nonviolent tension which is necessary for growth. Just as Socrates felt that it was necessary to create a tension in the mind so that individuals could rise from the bondage of myths and half truths to the unfettered realm of creative analysis and objective appraisal, so must we see the need for nonviolent gadflies to create the kind of tension in society that will help men rise from the dark depths of prejudice and racism to the majestic heights of understanding and brotherhood. The purpose of our direct action program is to create a situation so crisis packed that it will inevitably open the door to negotiation. I therefore concur with you in your call for negotiation.Too long has our beloved Southland been bogged down in a tragic effort to live in monologue rather than dialogue. One of the basic points in your statement is that the action that I and my associates have taken in Birmingham is untimely. Some have asked: "Why didn't you give the new city administration time to act?" The only answer that I can give to this query is that the new Birmingham administration must be prodded about as much as the outgoing one, before it will act. We are sadly mistaken if we feel that the election of Albert Boutwell as mayor will bring the millennium to Birmingham. While Mr. Boutwell is a much more gentle person than Mr. Connor, they are both segregationists, dedicated to maintenance of the status quo, I have hope that Mr. Boutwell will be reasonable enough to see the futility of massive resistance to desegregation. But he will not see this without pressure from devotees of civil rights. My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain in civil rights without determined legal and nonviolent pressure. Lamentably, it is an historical fact that privileged groups seldom give up their privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture; but, as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups tend to be more immoral than individuals. We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct action campaign that was "well timed" in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. For years now I have heard the word "Wait!" It rings in the ear of every Negro with piercing familiarity. This "Wait" has almost always meant "Never." We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that "justice too long delayed is justice denied." We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we still creep at horse and buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter. Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say, "Wait." But when you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will and drown your sisters and brothers at whim; when you have seen hate filled policemen curse, kick and even kill your black brothers and sisters; when you see the vast majority of your twenty million Negro brothers smothering in an airtight cage of poverty in the midst of an affluent society; when you suddenly find your tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your six year old daughter why she can't go to the public amusement park that has just been advertised on television, and see tears welling up in her eyes when she is told that Funtown is closed to colored children, and see ominous clouds of inferiority beginning to form in her little mental sky, and see her beginning to distort her personality by developing an unconscious bitterness toward white people; when you have to concoct an answer for a five year old son who is asking: "Daddy, why do white people treat colored people so mean?"; when you take a cross county drive and find it necessary to sleep night after night in the uncomfortable corners of your automobile because no motel will accept you; when you are humiliated day in and day out by nagging signs reading "white" and "colored"; . . . when you are harried by day and haunted by night by the fact that you are a Negro, living constantly at tiptoe stance, never quite knowing what to expect next, and are plagued with inner fears and outer resentments; when you are forever fighting a degenerating sense of "nobodiness"—then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait. There comes a time when the cup of endurance runs over, and men are no longer willing to be plunged into the abyss of despair. I hope, sirs, you can understand our legitimate and unavoidable impatience. You express a great deal of anxiety over our willingness to break laws. This is certainly a legitimate concern. Since we so diligently urge people to obey the Supreme Court's decision of 1954 outlawing segregation in the public schools, at first glance it may seem rather paradoxical for us consciously to break laws. One may well ask: "How can you advocate breaking some laws and obeying others?" The answer lies in the fact that there are two types of laws: just and unjust. I would be the first to advocate obeying just laws. One has not only a legal but a moral responsibility to obey just laws. Conversely, one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws. I would agree with St. Augustine that "an unjust law is no law at all." Now, what is the difference between the two? How does one determine whether a law is just or unjust? A just law is a man made code that squares with the moral law or the law of God. An unjust law is a code that is out of harmony with the moral law. To put it in the terms of St. Thomas Aquinas: An unjust law is a human law that is not rooted in eternal law and natural law. Any law that uplifts human personality is just. Any law that degrades human personality is unjust. All segregation statutes are unjust because segregation distorts the soul and damages the personality. It gives the segregator a false sense of superiority and the segregated a false sense of inferiority. . . .Thus it is that I can urge men to obey the 1954 decision of the Supreme Court, for it is morally right; and I can urge them to disobey segregation ordinances, for they are morally wrong. . . . Sometimes a law is just on its face and unjust in its application. For instance, I have been arrested on a charge of parading without a permit. Now, there is nothing wrong in having an ordinance which requires a permit for a parade. But such an ordinance becomes unjust when it is used to maintain segregation and to deny citizens the First-Amendment privilege of peaceful assembly and protest. I hope you are able to see the distinction I am trying to point out. In no sense do I advocate evading or defying the law, as would the rabid segregationist. That would lead to anarchy. One who breaks an unjust law must do so openly, lovingly, and with a willingness to accept the penalty. I submit that an individual who breaks a law that conscience tells him is unjust, and who willingly accepts the penalty of imprisonment in order to arouse the conscience of the community over its injustice, is in reality expressing the highest respect for law. Of course, there is nothing new about this kind of civil disobedience. It was evidenced sublimely in the refusal of Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego to obey the laws of Nebuchadnezzar, on the ground that a higher moral law was at stake. It was practiced superbly by the early Christians, who were willing to face hungry lions and the excruciating pain of chopping blocks rather than submit to certain unjust laws of the Roman Empire. To a degree, academic freedom is a reality today because Socrates practiced civil disobedience. In our own nation, the Boston Tea Party represented a massive act of civil disobedience. We should never forget that everything Adolf Hitler did in Germany was "legal" and everything the Hungarian freedom fighters did in Hungary was "illegal." It was "illegal" to aid and comfort a Jew in Hitler's Germany. Even so, I am sure that, had I lived in Germany at the time, I would have aided and comforted my Jewish brothers. If today I lived in a Communist country where certain principles dear to the Christian faith are suppressed, I would openly advocate disobeying that country's antireligious laws. I must make two honest confessions to you, my Christian and Jewish brothers. First, I must confess that over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to "order" than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: "I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of direct action"; who paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man's freedom; who lives by a mythical concept of time and who constantly advises the Negro to wait for a "more convenient season." Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will. Lukewarm acceptance is much more bewildering than outright rejection. I had hoped that the white moderate would understand that law and order exist for the purpose of establishing justice and that when they fail in this purpose they become the dangerously structured dams that block the flow of social progress. I had hoped that the white moderate would understand that the present tension in the South is a necessary phase of the transition from an obnoxious negative peace, in which the Negro passively accepted his unjust plight, to a substantive and positive peace, in which all men will respect the dignity and worth of human personality. Actually, we who engage in nonviolent direct action are not the creators of tension. We merely bring to the surface the hidden tension that is already alive. We bring it out in the open, where it can be seen and dealt with. Like a boil that can never be cured so long as it is covered up but must be opened with all its ugliness to the natural medicines of air and light, injustice must be exposed, with all the tension its exposure creates, to the light of human conscience and the air of national opinion before it can be cured. In your statement you assert that our actions, even though peaceful, must be condemned because they precipitate violence. But is this a logical assertion? Isn't this like condemning a robbed man because his possession of money precipitated the evil act of robbery? Isn't this like condemning Socrates because his unswerving commitment to truth and his philosophical inquiries precipitated the act by the misguided populace in which they made him drink hemlock? Isn't this like condemning Jesus because his unique God consciousness and never ceasing devotion to God's will precipitated the evil act of crucifixion? We must come to see that, as the federal courts have consistently affirmed, it is wrong to urge an individual to cease his efforts to gain his basic constitutional rights because the quest may precipitate violence. Society must protect the robbed and punish the robber. I had also hoped that the white moderate would reject the myth concerning time in relation to the struggle for freedom. I have just received a letter from a white brother in Texas. He writes: "All Christians know that the colored people will receive equal rights eventually, but it is possible that you are in too great a religious hurry. It has taken Christianity almost two thousand years to accomplish what it has. The teachings of Christ take time to come to earth." Such an attitude stems from a tragic misconception of time, from the strangely irrational notion that there is something in the very flow of time that will inevitably cure all ills. Actually, time itself is neutral; it can be used either destructively or constructively. More and more I feel that the people of ill will have used time much more effectively than have the people of good will. We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the hateful words and actions of the bad people but for the appalling silence of the good people. Human progress never rolls in on wheels of inevitability; it comes through the tireless efforts of men willing to be co workers with God, and without this hard work, time itself becomes an ally of the forces of social stagnation. We must use time creatively, in the knowledge that the time is always ripe to do right. Now is the time to make real the promise of democracy and transform our pending national elegy into a creative psalm of brotherhood. Now is the time to lift our national policy from the quicksand of racial injustice to the solid rock of human dignity. You speak of our activity in Birmingham as extreme. At first I was rather disappointed that fellow clergymen would see my nonviolent efforts as those of an extremist. I began thinking about the fact that I stand in the middle of two opposing forces in the Negro community. One is a force of complacency, made up in part of Negroes who, as a result of long years of oppression, are so drained of self respect and a sense of "somebodiness" that they have adjusted to segregation; and in part of a few middle-class Negroes who, because of a degree of academic and economic security and because in some ways they profit by segregation, have become insensitive to the problems of the masses. The other force is one of bitterness and hatred, and it comes perilously close to advocating violence. It is expressed in the various black nationalist groups that are springing up across the nation, the largest and best known being Elijah Muhammad's Muslim movement. Nourished by the Negro's frustration over the continued existence of racial discrimination, this movement is made up of people who have lost faith in America, who have absolutely repudiated Christianity, and who have concluded that the white man is an incorrigible "devil." I have tried to stand between these two forces, saying that we need emulate neither the "do nothingism" of the complacent nor the hatred and despair of the black nationalist. For there is the more excellent way of love and nonviolent protest. I am grateful to God that, through the influence of the Negro church, the way of nonviolence became an integral part of our struggle. If this philosophy had not emerged, by now many streets of the South would, I am convinced, be flowing with blood. And I am further convinced that if our white brothers dismiss as "rabble rousers" and "outside agitators" those of us who employ nonviolent direct action, and if they refuse to support our nonviolent efforts, millions of Negroes will, out of frustration and despair, seek solace and security in black nationalist ideologies—a development that would inevitably lead to a frightening racial nightmare. Oppressed people cannot remain oppressed forever. The yearning for freedom eventually manifests itself, and that is what has happened to the American Negro. Something within has reminded him of his birthright of freedom, and something without has reminded him that it can be gained. Consciously or unconsciously, he has been caught up by the Zeitgeist, and with his black brothers of Africa and his brown and yellow brothers of Asia, South America and the Caribbean, the United States Negro is moving with a sense of great urgency toward the promised land of racial justice. If one recognizes this vital urge that has engulfed the Negro community, one should readily understand why public demonstrations are taking place. The Negro has many pent up resentments and latent frustrations, and he must release them. So let him march; let him make prayer pilgrimages to the city hall; let him go on freedom rides -and try to understand why he must do so. If his repressed emotions are not released in nonviolent ways, they will seek expression through violence; this is not a threat but a fact of history. So I have not said to my people: "Get rid of your discontent." Rather, I have tried to say that this normal and healthy discontent can be channeled into the creative outlet of nonviolent direct action. And now this approach is being termed extremist. But though I was initially disappointed at being categorized as an extremist, as I continued to think about the matter I gradually gained a measure of satisfaction from the label. Was not Jesus an extremist for love: "Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you." Was not Amos an extremist for justice: "Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like an ever flowing stream." Was not Paul an extremist for the Christian gospel: "I bear in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus." Was not Martin Luther an extremist: "Here I stand; I cannot do otherwise, so help me God." And John Bunyan: "I will stay in jail to the end of my days before I make a butchery of my conscience." And Abraham Lincoln: "This nation cannot survive half slave and half free." And Thomas Jefferson: "We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal . . ." So the question is not whether we will be extremists, but what kind of extremists we will be. Will we be extremists for hate or for love? Will we be extremists for the preservation of injustice or for the extension of justice? In that dramatic scene on Calvary's hill three men were crucified. We must never forget that all three were crucified for the same crime—the crime of extremism. Two were extremists for immorality, and thus fell below their environment. The other, Jesus Christ, was an extremist for love, truth and goodness, and thereby rose above his environment. Perhaps the South, the nation and the world are in dire need of creative extremists. I wish you had commended the Negro sit inners and demonstrators of Birmingham for their sublime courage, their willingness to suffer and their amazing discipline in the midst of great provocation. One day the South will recognize its real heroes. They will be the James Merediths, with the noble sense of purpose that enables them to face jeering and hostile mobs, and with the agonizing loneliness that characterizes the life of the pioneer. They will be old, oppressed, battered Negro women, symbolized in a seventy two year old woman in Montgomery, Alabama, who rose up with a sense of dignity and with her people decided not to ride segregated buses, and who responded with ungrammatical profundity to one who inquired about her weariness: "My feets is tired, but my soul is at rest." They will be the young high school and college students, the young ministers of the gospel and a host of their elders, courageously and nonviolently sitting in at lunch counters and willingly going to jail for conscience' sake. One day the South will know that when these disinherited children of God sat down at lunch counters, they were in reality standing up for what is best in the American dream and for the most sacred values in our Judeo-Christian heritage, thereby bringing our nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the founding fathers in their formulation of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence. Never before have I written so long a letter. I'm afraid it is much too long to take your precious time. I can assure you that it would have been much shorter if I had been writing from a comfortable desk, but what else can one do when he is alone in a narrow jail cell, other than write long letters, think long thoughts and pray long prayers? If I have said anything in this letter that overstates the truth and indicates an unreasonable impatience, I beg you to forgive me. If I have said anything that understates the truth and indicates my having a patience that allows me to settle for anything less than brotherhood, I beg God to forgive me. I hope this letter finds you strong in the faith. I also hope that circumstances will soon make it possible for me to meet each of you, not as an integrationist or a civil-rights leader but as a fellow clergyman and a Christian brother. Let us all hope that the dark clouds of racial prejudice will soon pass away and the deep fog of misunderstanding will be lifted from our fear drenched communities, and in some not too distant tomorrow the radiant stars of love and brotherhood will shine over our great nation with all their scintillating beauty. Yours for the cause of Peace and Brotherhood, Martin Luther King Jr.

by describing his own experience with waiting for civil rights

by providing quotes from militant civil rights demonstrators

by explaining the racist attitudes of white politicians

by recalling a dream of his in which all people were equal

Read the excerpt from Dr. Martin Luther King’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” You express a great deal of anxiety over our willingness to break laws. This is certainly a legitimate concern. How does King rebut his critics’ claim?

by questioning the fairness of the laws in a counterclaim

by citing the US Constitution in a counterclaim

by praising the concept of social anarchy in a counterclaim

by admitting mistakes made by his group in a counterclaim

Read the excerpt from Dr. Martin Luther King’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” I have tried to stand between these two forces, saying that we need emulate neither the "do nothingism" of the complacent nor the hatred and despair of the black nationalist. How does King support this claim?

by describing nonviolent direct action as a peaceful middle ground

by listing churches who support his nonviolent stand

by urging church leaders to abandon their “do nothing” approaches

Read the introduction to Julissa’s composition. The largest of the linen tents, erected at the campsite to protect the team of conservationists from the relentless African sun, housed the leader of the expedition, Dr. Aidan Hamilton. His round spectacles framed his slender face and complimented his gray hair as he sat outside his tent, mapping the day’s journey. Julissa is most likely writing with the purpose of...

describing in an observational manner.

explaining information using dates and facts.

describing a sequence of events.

persuading and influencing others.

Read the introduction to Darryl’s composition. Since the budget for the groundbreaking elephant-behavior-studies program has been cut—just as it was beginning to make progress—wildlife conservationists and their supporters are asking that people from all over the world promote the program by encouraging local agencies and community members to donate time and funds to secure the future of the amazingly gentle and intelligent African elephant species. Darryl is most likely writing with the purpose of...

persuading and influencing others.

describing an entertaining story.

explaining information using dates and facts.

describing in an observational manner.

Read the paragraph. I have been a nurse for twenty years. In that time, I have seen a great number of patients suffer because they did not have health insurance. One of the worst cases was a young mother of two who was diagnosed with early stage skin cancer. Because she could not afford treatment, the cancer spread from her skin to other parts of her body. By the time I saw her for the first time, the cancer had reached her brain, and she could no longer be helped. This sort of thing should not happen to anyone. A strong universal health care system could prevent instances like this from occurring. Which rhetorical appeal is used in the text, “One of the worst cases was a young mother of two who was diagnosed with early stage skin cancer”?

pathos, an appeal based on emotion

logos, an appeal based on logic

ethos, an appeal based on the author’s character

Read the paragraph. I have been a nurse for twenty years. In that time, I have seen a great number of patients suffer because they did not have health insurance. One of the worst cases was a young mother of two who was diagnosed with early stage skin cancer. Because she could not afford treatment, the cancer spread from her skin to other parts of her body. By the time I saw her for the first time, the cancer had reached her brain, and she could no longer be helped. This sort of thing should not happen to anyone. A strong universal health care system could prevent instances like this from occurring. What makes this appeal from the paragraph convincing? I have been a nurse for twenty years.

It shows the writer’s credibility.

It uses proven data as evidence.

It appeals to the reader’s emotions.

It reveals important statistics.

Read the paragraph. I have been a nurse for twenty years. In that time, I have seen a great number of patients suffer because they did not have health insurance. One of the worst cases was a young mother of two who was diagnosed with early stage skin cancer. Because she could not afford treatment, the cancer spread from her skin to other parts of her body. By the time I saw her for the first time, the cancer had reached her brain, and she could no longer be helped. This sort of thing should not happen to anyone. A strong universal health care system could prevent instances like this from occurring. Which addition would make the paragraph more objective and effective?

the use of facts and statistics to support the anecdote

the use of more subjective words like “worst” and “best”

the use of another anecdote about a patient in a similar situation

the use of more figurative language when relating the anecdote

Which best describes the claim of a compare-and-contrast paragraph?

an umbrella statement that establishes the parts of the argument

a statement that provides evidence for the main argument

a summary of all details, statistics, and relevant facts

an evaluation of the most important details and points

Read the paragraphs. Uninsured people are less likely to receive medical care and more likely to have poor health status. The cost of poor health among uninsured people was almost $125 billion in 2004 (Hadley & Holahan, 2004). The financial burden of medical care is also high for uninsured individuals; almost 50% of personal bankruptcy filings are due to medical expenses (Jacoby, et al., 2000). Uninsured individuals report more problems getting care, are diagnosed at later disease stages, and get less therapeutic care. To support the claim that the lack of health insurance is a financial burden, the author uses...

evidential support, such as facts, figures, and statistics.

anecdotes to illustrate how the problem affects people.

descriptive language to reveal the hardships of the uninsured.

reasons that directly address the counterclaim presented.

The thesis statement of a strong compare-and-contrast paragraph should combine...

the topic with the writer’s viewpoint.

two relevant details and the main topic.

the writer’s viewpoint with a summary of the details.

the writer’s observations with a viewpoint.

The Harlem Renaissance & the Civil Rights Unit

11th Grade

•

50 Qs

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The Harlem Renaissance & the Civil Rights Unit

Quiz

•

English

•

11th Grade

•

Practice Problem

•

Hard

•

CCSS

RL.8.4, RI.8.1, RL.8.10

+39

Standards-aligned

Marcia Scoles

Used 36+ times

FREE Resource

50 questions

Show all answers

MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION

1 min • 1 pt

Read the excerpt from “I Dream a World” by Langston Hughes.

A world I dream where black or white,
Whatever race you be,
Will share the bounties of the earth
And every man is free,
Where wretchedness will hang its head
And joy, like a pearl,
Attends the needs of all mankind—
Of such I dream, my world!

Based on the dreams that the speaker describes, it is reasonable to infer that the speaker

is hopeful all people will experience the same freedoms he enjoys.

will do whatever is necessary to gain equality for all.

lives in a time and place where equality does not exist.

has given up the idea that one day all people will be treated the same.

Tags

CCSS.RL.11-12.8

CCSS.RL.8.10

frustrated.

conflicted

joyful.

accepting.

Tags

CCSS.RL.11-12.8

CCSS.RL.8.10

CCSS.RL.8.5

CCSS.RL.9-10.10

CCSS.RL.9-10.9

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The Harlem Renaissance & the Civil Rights Unit

50 questions

Read the excerpt from "The Weary Blues."

Ain't got nobody in all this world,
Ain't got nobody but ma self.
I’s gwine to quit ma frownin'
And put ma troubles on the shelf.

What is the effect of repeating the phrase “ain't got nobody” in the poem?

Read the excerpt from "Harlem."

Does it stink like rotten meat?
Or crust and sugar over-
like a syrupy sweet?

Read the excerpt from "The Weary Blues."

Droning a drowsy syncopated tune
Rocking back and forth to a mellow croon

In both poems, Hughes uses the imagery to...

Read this line from "Harlem."

Or does it explode?

Read this line from "The Weary Blues."

Thump, thump, thump, went his foot on the floor.

What sense do both of these lines rely on?

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The Harlem Renaissance & the Civil Rights Unit

50 questions

Read the excerpt from "The Weary Blues." Ain't got nobody in all this world, Ain't got nobody but ma self.I’s gwine to quit ma frownin' And put ma troubles on the shelf.What is the effect of repeating the phrase “ain't got nobody” in the poem?

Read the excerpt from "The Weary Blues."He made that poor piano moan with melody. O Blues!Swaying to and fro on his rickety stoolHe played that sad raggy tune like a musical fool. Sweet Blues!Coming from a black man's soul. O Blues! The phrases “O Blues!” and “Sweet Blues!” are examples of

Read the excerpt from "Harlem."Does it stink like rotten meat?Or crust and sugar over-like a syrupy sweet?Read the excerpt from "The Weary Blues."Droning a drowsy syncopated tuneRocking back and forth to a mellow croonIn both poems, Hughes uses the imagery to...

Read this line from "Harlem."Or does it explode?Read this line from "The Weary Blues."Thump, thump, thump, went his foot on the floor.What sense do both of these lines rely on?

Create a free account and access millions of resources

Similar Resources on Wayground

Popular Resources on Wayground

Discover more resources for English

Read the excerpt from "The Weary Blues."

Ain't got nobody in all this world,
Ain't got nobody but ma self.
I’s gwine to quit ma frownin'
And put ma troubles on the shelf.

What is the effect of repeating the phrase “ain't got nobody” in the poem?

Read the excerpt from "Harlem."

Does it stink like rotten meat?
Or crust and sugar over-
like a syrupy sweet?

Read the excerpt from "The Weary Blues."

Droning a drowsy syncopated tune
Rocking back and forth to a mellow croon

In both poems, Hughes uses the imagery to...

Read this line from "Harlem."

Or does it explode?

Read this line from "The Weary Blues."

Thump, thump, thump, went his foot on the floor.

What sense do both of these lines rely on?