In the Posner cueing task, people are given a cue indicating that a stimulus will appear to the left or the right of fixation. When the cue is valid, the stimulus subsequently appears in that location; and when it is invalid, the stimulus appears on the opposite side. Finally, a neutral cue provides no information about where the stimulus is likely to appear. What findings are typical in such a task?

People are faster to respond to validly-cued stimuli than to neutrally-cued stimuli

People are faster to respond to invalidly-cued stimuli than to neutrally- cued stimuli

People are slower to respond to validly-cued stimuli than to invalidly-cued stimuli

Treisman and Gelade (1980) studied people's ability find the letter T in arrays of letters consisting of either Is and Ys, or Is and Zs. In the former condition, the T is distinctive from the other letters because it has a feature they do not---the horizontal line at the top, so people can simply search for this particular feature. By constrast, in the latter condition the T has no distinctive feature (i.e., both I and T have vertical lines, and both Z and T have horizontal lines), so people need to search for the combination/conjunction of the two distinctive features (i.e., the horizontal line together with a vertical line in the one letter). In their experiment, what effect did this difference between a feature search and a conjunction search have on the time taken to find the target T?

People were roughly equally fast to find the T in both conditions when the array consisted of only a few letters; but as the number of letters in the array increased, they become much slower in the conjunction search than they were in the feature search condition.

People were always slower to find the T in the conjunction search condition than in the feature search condition, and the difference between the conditions was consistent irrespective of how many letters the arrays contained.

People took roughly the same amount of time to find the T, irrespective of whether they were performing feature search or conjunction search and irrespective of how many letters the arrays contained.

Why does an account of feature binding based on Hebbian learn require that features be bound into objects sequentially (i.e., one object at a time) for the process to be successfully completed?

Because if features from multiple objects are activated at once, they will be incorrectly bound together

Because research using sequential-simultaneous paradigm shows that visual objects are encoded equally well when presented together in an array as when they are presented to one after the other

Because it takes a relatively long time to bind features into objects, so if extra features are activated unnecessarily the process is far less efficient

In Santa's (1977) study, participants initially saw arrays consisting of either three shapes or three words. They were then asked weather a second, test array, contained the same shapes or words presented in the initial array. Results showed an interaction between the type of array (shapes or words) and the configuration of the test array (same configuration as the original, or configured linearly, with the three shapes/words in a straight line): People were faster to identify matching shape arrays when the test array configuration was the same as the original than when it was linear, but faster to identify matching word arrays when the configuration was linear than when it was the same as the original. What does this pattern suggest?

That participants retained information about the original configuration of the shape arrays, but recoded the word arrays from a visual to a verbal form.

That participants find words easier to read when they are presented in a horizontal line, but configuration does not affect the processing of shapes.

That visually-presented words lead to the formation of both visual and verbal representations, whereas shapes are only represented visually.

Moyer (1973) studied people's ability to judge the relative size of two animals from memory (e.g., "Which is bigger, a horse or a zebra?"). He found that the time it took them to make such judgements was closely related to the differences in their estimates of the sizes of the two animals (e.g., if someone estimated a lion to be much bigger than a frog, they would be quick to judge the lion as the larger animal), analogous to how relative differences in size are related to people's judgements about physically-present visual objects. What does this suggest about how people make mental comparisons of size?

That such comparisons may involve similar processes to those we use in perceptual comparisons.

That people with perceptual disorders (e.g., visual impairments) would have difficulty making such mental comparisons.

That the mental representations of objects we use in such comparisons are exclusively visual

What is one of the main characteristics of a route map?

It involves an egocentric representation of space (i.e., a representation from the perspective of the person using the map).

If some part of the route that has been mapped is obstructed, it is very easy for a person following the map to find their way to their destination.

It involves an allocentric representation of space (i.e., a representation from an objective, top-down perspective).

In a study by Liesefeld and Zimmer (2013), mental rotation of visually complex and simple shapes took a similar length of time, whereas mental rotation of structurally complex shapes took far longer. What does this suggest about the representations that mental rotation processes operate on?

That they involve rotating the representation of an object's "skeleton" (i.e., its structure), rather than a representation of all its visual features.

That representations incorporate an object's visual features, making more visually complex objects take longer to rotate than visually simple objects.

That rotated representations involve a simplified "snapshot" of an object's features, meaning more complex objects are not always more difficut to rotate.

Kerst and Howard (1978) tested the "reperception hypothesis" of mental judgements. What does this hypothesis suggest?

That the processes involved in transforming a physical object into a perceptual representation are re-applied when we later operate on the representation of the object stored in memory.

That we cannot make an accurate mental judgement without a critical assessment of which aspects of a representation come from a perceptual experience, and which result from our pre-existing expectations about the features the representation "should" have.

That mental judgements require multiple perceptual representations to operate on, requiring us to perceive the object we are trying to judge many times.

By contrast to the work of Brady et al. (2008), who found that people were able to discriminate thousands of objects they had seen just once from similar distractors (at 87.5% accuracy), Nickerson and Adams (1979) found that a majority of US undergraduates were not able to identify a penny (i.e., 1 cent coin) with certainty from amongst a set of distractors. What is the best explanation for the difference in performance across these two tasks?

Participants in Brady et al.'s study were expecting to have their memory tested, and therefore attended to details in the images; whereas Nickerson and Adams' participants had no such expectation in their prior interactions with pennies, and therefore ignored the crucial details.

The images used by Brady et al. were of one-of-a-kind objects, whereas pennies of the sort used by Nickerson and Adams come in a variety of different forms. This variability made it more difficult for participants trying to find the "real" penny, because they were less certain about what the real thing looked like.

The objects presented by Brady et al. were physically very different to the distractors, so participants didn't need to retain fine-grained information about them; whereas Nickerson and Adams' penny distractors were almost identical to the real thing.

What does the keyword method involve when applied to the learning of foreign vocabulary?

It involves creating a meaningful link between what a foreign word sounds like in our native language, and the real meaning of that word (e.g., an Icelander learning German may imagine children playing with sheep to remember that "Kind" is the German word for "child").

It involves trying to learn the most meaningful vocabulary words first, so that other terms can be inferred by context (e.g., an Icelander learning Italian may first learn words such as "formaggio" and "pizza" to allow them to interpret sentences about cheese on pizzas).

It involves learning about the literal meaning of word combinations in the foreign language, to make it easier to guess the meaning of related terms (e.g., an Icelander learning French may learn that "pommes de terre" means "apples of the earth", making it easier for them to understand other terms that use the suffix "de terre").

Bransford and Franks (1971) studied people's ability to discriminate old sentences (i.e., those they had seen before) from new ones (i.e., those they had not seen but which contained propositions they had seen) and non-case ones (i.e., those containing propositions that they had not seen). Whereas people were easily able to identify non-case sentences, they had great trouble distinguishing old and new ones. What does this suggest?

That we tend to retain information about the propositions in sentences rather than the sentences' specific wording.

That our memory for written sentences is fairly poor, so we only notice large changes to what we've previously read.

That we typically retain precise information about the wording for sentences, but that this memory sometimes fails.

According to a prototype theory of categorisation, how do I decide whether an object I've never seen before belongs to one category or another?

I comapre the new object to individual objects I have representations of in memory, find the one to which it is most similar, and use that old object's category to decide where the new object belongs.

I compare the new object to the "average" from the categories I have in memory, eventually assignment its membership based on similarity to these averages.

I assess the new object against a set of rules I use to define each category, eventually allocating it to whichever category it is most consistent with.

Sperling (1960) conducted experiments in which people saw an array of stimuli for a brief amount of time. In one condition, they were then asked to report as many of the stimuli as they could (whole report procedure), whereas in another they were asked to report a random subset, such as only those stimuli in the first row (partial report procedure). Sperling's findings showed that people could only remember a few (4 or 5) stimuli using the whole report procedure. However, when the cue to report a single row was presented very soon after stimulus offset, people could report most of the letters in a row using the partial report procedure. By contrast, when the cue was delayed performance using the partial report procedure was worse, and not very different to what might be expected given people's poor performance using the whole report procedure. What does this pattern of results suggest about visual sensory memory?

That we are capable of storing a large amount of visual information, but only for a very short time.

hat we can remember a large amount of visual information, but can only report a small subset of it due to a processing bottleneck.

That we are can only remember a few pieces of visual information at any one time.

In Baddeley's theory of working memory, what role does the phonological loop play?

It is used to maintain verbal/auditory information that can then be used to perform some relevant task.

It operates as a control system which helps determine what information we hold in memory, and what information we forget.

It is used for remembering and constructing visual images that are useful for goal-directed behaviour.

According to the power law of learning, if I spend many hours practising to tie a complicated knot, what should happen?

As I become more practised I will be able to tie the knot more quickly. However, my performance will improve much more rapidly in the initial hours than it does later on.

As I become more practised I will be able to tie the knot more quickly. However, after a while any improvements in my performance will be counteracted by increasing muscle fatigue.

As I become more practised I will be able to tie the knot more quickly. However, my performance will only improve at the beginning of my practice, after which I will not get any quicker.

Stein and Bransford (1979) tested participants' memory for adjectives (i.e., lýsingarorð) presented within sentences (e.g., "the tiny child fell over"). Results showed that memory was better when the sentences were completed with experimenter-created elaborations (e.g., "the tiny child fell over when the psychology lecturer tripped them unexpectedly") than when participants generated their own elaborations to complete the sentences. What best explains this finding?

Elaboration helps more when the memory cues it provides are better for recalling the key material. Here, the experimenter-created elaborations provided better cues than those elaborations participants themselves generated.

The experimenters pre-tested the participants to determine which prompts would lead to the strongest associations with the key material, and were able to use this knowledge to create better cues than the participants could.

Participant-generated elaborations were often meaningless or nonsensical, indicating they had trouble understanding the concept. As a result, their elaborations were not useful during the memory test.

Nelson (1971) had participants learn pairs of words (e.g., duck-chest). After an initial test of memory for these pairs, the participants then learnt a new set of word pairs. Some of the pairs in this new set matched word pairs the participants had forgotten on the original test (e.g., duck-chest), and other pairs contained one word from an original pair matched with a novel word (e.g., duck-pen). Norris found that participants' memory for the pairs they had previously forgotten, but had now re-learnt, was better than their memory for the newly-matched pairs. What do these results suggest?

That a failure to remember something does not imply we have no memory of it at all.

That testing memory tends to improve later performance, even if we do not successfully recall the thing we are trying to remember.

That we find it difficult to form arbitrary associations between items that are otherwise unrelated.

If you have a tendency to drink a lot of coffee while studying for this course, what should you do before the final exam if you want to maximise your probability of remembering the content?

Make sure there is no caffeine in your system.

British musicologist Clive Wearing suffered from a form of encephalitis that led to severe damage to regions of his brain. As a result, he became unable to recall facts he had previously known, or other information about his past; yet his ability to play the piano was seemingly unaffected. What does this tell us about the neural basis of different forms of memory?

The structures responsible for implicit and explicit memory are likely to be different.

The structures responsible for episodic and semantic memory are likely to be different.

The structures responsible for procedural and implicit memory are likely to be different.

Abraham et al. (2002) found that, when rats were kept in a relatively deprived environment, stable long-term potentiation (LTP) in parts of their brains persisted for months. However, when they were exposed to an enriched environment, the LTP was quickly abolished. Which of the following is the most plausible explanation of this finding?

Exposure to an enriched environment led to new learning (e.g., of objects or odours), which disrupted the existing LTP.

Brain damage received while in the enriched environment (e.g., through injury) led to the abolition of existing LTP.

The relationship between the enriched environment and the change in LTP was coincidental; the change reflected the natural decay of neural traces.

Imagine you are in a shop, and wish to purchase an item that is stored on a high shelf that is out of your reach. If we think about this situation in the context of problem-solving, which of the following reflect an intermediate state of the problem-solving process?

Finding a step ladder in another aisle of the shop.

TestLooking wistfully at the out-of-reach item.

Getting the item off the shelf using a large pole.

Superficial similarity sometimes prevents people from effectively using analogies to solve problems. Why is this?

Because superficial similarity does not imply the relevant structural features of an analogy are appropriate to solve the problem.

Because superficial similarity usually implies structural similarity as well. If people are not aware of this, they can find it difficult to focus on the important features of the superficially similar solution.

Because when two problems are superficially similar, it is more difficult for people to generalise from one problem to others.

Imagine you are stuck on the west side Hrísey, in the middle of Eyjafjörður, and want to get to Akureyri. If you were using a very simple difference reduction strategy to achieve this goal, what might you do?

Walk in a straight line in the direction of Akureyri, and start swimming when you reach the water.

Search the coast for a rowboat, and row back to the mainland.

Find a local who will give you a lift to the ferry, and take it back to the mainland.

A person wishes to hang a picture on their wall. They have a nail they can use to hang it, but the only tool in their possession is a screwdriver (i.e., they don't have a hammer). In this context, what would functional fixedness imply?

The person not realising they can use the base of the screwdriver as a makeshift hammer to bang the nail into the wall.

The person giving up and deciding that they didn't really want to hang the picture up anyway.

The person trying to bang the nail into the wall with the base of the screwdriver, rather than borrowing a hammer from a neighbour.

Hélie and Sun's (2010) E-I-I theory of incubation effects suggests that explicit and implicit use of knowledge interacts over the course of problem-solving. Which of the following statements most accurately describes an aspect of the model?

We use implicit knowledge to generate novel hypotheses during the incubation period.

Insight occurs when we information we have explicitly reasoned with suddenly becomes implicit.

Implicit reasoning involves less "noise" in the process of hypothesis generation than does explicit reasoning.

Qin et al. (2003) found that students completing a complex mathematical task showed less extensive brain activity on their fifth day of practice with the task than on the first day. What does this suggest?

That completing the task becomes more neurally efficient with greater practice.

That students are more likely to find the correct answer with greater practice.

That completing the task becomes faster with greater practice.

The power law of learning describes the relationship between the amount of practice a person has at a task, and the time taken to complete it. Which of the following is one of the characteristics evident in situations where the power law is applicable?

The difference in completion time between trial N and trial N+1 is greater when N is small than when N is large.

Task performance relies largely on motor actions, with only limited input from cognitive skills.

When N, the number of trials a person has completed, is sufficiently large, no further improvements in performance are possible.

In the context of expertise, strategy learning involves developing an understanding of how best to solve general classes of problems. In the context of programming, what sort of pattern distinguishes the strategies used by expert programmers from those used by novices?

Experts tend to develop higher-level solutions to programming problems before coding individual components; novices are more inclined to fully work out one part of their solution before moving on to the next.

Experts tend to "work backwards" on programming problems, first writing code for functions that will need to be used in their solutions; novices "work forwards", writing code for individual components of the solution and only writing re-usable functions when necessary.

Experts tend to fully work out one part of their solutions to programming problems before moving on to the next; novices tend to try to develop higher-level solutions before coding individual components.

According to the view that the mind contains a collection of specific "faculties" (e.g., attention, reasoning, discrimination), what should happen if I spend a great deal of time practising a task that places heavy demands on the faculty of attention?

I should simultaneously improve at other tasks that require the use of the faculty of attention.

My performance at the task I've practised should improve, but I will not get better at other tasks, even if they also use the faculty of attention.

My performance at the task I've practised and closely-related tasks should improve, but I will not get better at other tasks, even if they also use the faculty of attention.

Haider and Frensch (2002) suggest that people may change from using slow, inefficient strategies, to using fast, more efficient strategies, as they become more experienced at a task. How does this produce a "power law" type relationship?

Because people transition from the slow to the fast strategies at different time points, averaging across individuals makes the overall progression of learning fit a power law relationship.

Each individual slowly shifts from using the slow to using the fast strategy. As this process continues, they gradually become much faster at completing the task, consistent with the power law.

The power law is essentially a "step function", with steps of decreasing size. People continue to find more and more efficient strategies as they practice more, but these gains are smaller later on, leading to a power law relationship.

Goel et al. (2000) compared the brain activity in participants who read two types of valid syllogisms: Those that contained meaningful sentences (e.g., "All people are mortal"), and those that were abstract (e.g., "All P are Q"). They found that the regions that were most active across these two types of syllogism were different: Activity was mostly in the parietal region for content-free syllogisms, but largely in ventral prefrontal and parietal-temporal regions for those with meaningful sentences. What does this suggest about how we process syllogisms?

That this processing differs based on whether the syllogisms have meaningful content or not.

That both types of syllogism lead to activation in similar regions, but this activation is more widespread for those with meaningful content.

That logical processing of syllogisms can only be achieved when those syllogisms are without meaningful content.

According to the permission interpretation of the conditional, conditional statements are interpreted more accurately when the antecedent (i.e., the "if" part) of the statement is viewed as specifying conditions in which the consequent (i.e., the "then" part) is permitted. Which of the following statements best illustrates a situation to which people are likely to apply the permission interpretation?

If a person is infected with a deadly airborne disease, then they must be in quarantine.

If travelling in continental Europe, then you should have a health insurance card with you.

If there is a vowel on one side of a card, then there must be an even number on the other side.

In the specific context of hypothesis testing (as opposed to the testing of scientific theories more generally), what does confirmation bias involve?

Only testing instances that would be consistent with one's hypothesis, rather than testing instances that would be inconsistent with it.

Interpreting information as being consistent with one's hypothesis, whether it actually is or isn't.

Only considering information that is consistent with one's hypothesis, and ignoring any information that disproves it.

What can an acquiescence-based dual process account predict that a default-interventionist account cannot?

That people will sometimes make a System-1 based choice, despite System 2 making them explicitly aware that it is incorrect.

That people will sometimes realise that a System-1 based choice is incorrect, and then override it using System 2.

That System 1 and System 2 will sometimes "agree" with each other, but at other times will "disagree".

Why is Bayes' theorem considered to be a prescriptive model for evaluating the probability of a hypothesis, rather than a descriptive model?

Because it describes how a perfectly rational person ought to calculate probabilities, not how people actually seem to do this.

Because it describes the way people seem to calculate probabilities, rather than providing a baseline against which we can judge people's performance.

Because it predicts how people will act before any evidence has been collected, rather than later explaining how they have acted.

Conservatism in decision-making occurs when we insufficiently update our beliefs to reflect the evidence we have obtained. Which of the following provides a (hypothetical) real-world example of this sort of conservatism?

Health authorities advising the community that thorough hand-washing is the best way to avoid a COVID infection, when up-to-date evidence suggests that the virus is mostly transmitted via inhalation of airborne particles.

A student believing that obtaining a grade of 100% on a very easy test implies they know everything there is to know about the subject matter.

The corrupt leader of a political party worrying that recent political scandals will see them lose votes, despite their party being the most popular at the previous election.

Gigerenzer and Hoffrage (1995) showed that people are less likely to demonstrate base-rate neglect when they reason with frequencies (i.e., raw numbers) rather than with probabilities. Why did they think that this was the case?

Because in our real lives, we directly experience event frequencies, but rarely deal with event probabilities. As such, we are better at reasoning with frequencies.

Because frequencies make the base rates explicit, whereas when dealing with probabilities we have to actively calculate them.

Because base rates are a relevant factor when calculating probabilities, but can be ignored when calculating frequencies.

Which of the following is an example of a way that framing effects (i.e., changes in the choices people make depending on the manner in which a choice is presented) commonly affect decisions?

By encouraging people to perceive choice options in terms of losses instead of gains.

By encouraging people to calculate expected value when making choices.

By encouraging people to focus on features that matter to them personally.

According to prospect theory, when we make decisions we are loss averse. What does this imply?

That we consider a loss of some value X to outweigh a gain of the same value.

That we try to avoid losing, unless the potential loss is outweighed by a greater potential gain.

That we choose options that give us the greatest probability of gaining the greatest amount.

Natural languages, such as those spoken by humans, tend to have productivity as one of their key features. What does productivity imply?

That it is possible to come up with a potentially infinite number of possible sentences in the language.

That the rules of the language make it permissible to create new words to describe new concepts.

That the language follows certain rules that ensure sentences are structured in basically the same way.

Hugfræði - lokapróf

Authored by Steinunn Hlifarsdottir

Social Studies

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MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION

3 mins • 1 pt

What was the aim of introspection, as used by early psychology researchers in late 19th century Germany?

it was used to verify that the tools the researchers used to measure behaviour were properly calibrated

It was used to assess the validity of the theory that conscious experience was primarily visual, with only limited contributions from auditory and other senses

It was used an in effort to better understand the way the mind functioned, for example by examining how different stimuli produce different conscious experiences

MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION

3 mins • 1 pt

Saul Sternberg (1966) studied people's ability to determine whether a single number had been part of a small set of numbers they had been asked to memorise. What relationship did Sternberg find between the size of the set (i.e., how many numbers it contained) and the time people took to complete the task?

There was no relationship: People's responses seemed to be similar irrespective of the size of the set

There was a logarithmic relationship: People's responses took longer as the size of the set increased, but the effect "levelled off" for lager sets.

There was a consistent linear relationship: As the size of the set increased, people's responses took longer

MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION

3 mins • 1 pt

What is one way in which localist and distributed representations of information differ?

In localist representations, the information being accessed can be inferred from the activation of single cells; in distributed representations it cannot

Localist coding can only store a limited number of representations, whereas distributed coding allows for the storage of an unlimited number

Localist representations can be formed through changes in the strength of connections between neurons, whereas distributed representations require the recruitment of entirely new cells

MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION

3 mins • 1 pt

Some researchers use event-related potentials (ERPs), collected via electroencephalography (EEG), to inform their study of cognitive processes. What is one of the major advantages of EEG as a research tool in this context?

It provides unambiguous information about the brain structures involved in the relevant neural event

It allows for very precise measurement of the time at which a neural event occurred.

It offers an insight into the way in which different parts of the brain are connected to one another

MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION

3 mins • 1 pt

What is a major property of connectionist of theories of cognition?

They use the properties (e.g., strength, number) of connections between neuron-like elements as their foundation.

They are focused on understanding how different regions of the brain are connected to one another

They attempt to explain how social relationships and connections affect the way people think in certain situations

MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION

3 mins • 1 pt

Which of the following is an example of stimulus-driven attention (i.e, exogenous control)?

Choosing to focus on a sound that is coming from your left, while ignoring sounds coming from your right

Searching for a friend in a crowd, by looking for the color of the top you know your friend is wearing.

Being distracted by flashing advertisement as you walk down a busy shopping street

MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION

3 mins • 1 pt

What is a major difference between Treisman's attenuation theory and Broadbent's filter theory?

According to Treisman's theory, we take in similar information irrespective of what we are attending to, but our ability to act on unattended information is attenuated (i.e., reduced)

According to Treisman's theory, we use attention to attenuate the signals from stimuli that would otherwise be unpleasantly intense (e.g. loud noises, bright lights)

According to Treisman's theory, attention to different channels is not all-or-none, but graded (e.g., we can deploy 80% of our attention to one stimulus, ant the other 20% to another).

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