
EOC 3
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Steven Sells
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10 questions
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1.
MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION
30 sec • 1 pt
The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none; or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice. George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796 Courtesy of The Avalon Project at Yale Law School In his farewell address, how did George Washington attempt to influence the foreign policy of the United States ?
2.
MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION
30 sec • 1 pt
American Party Platform (1856) Americans must rule America; and to this end native-born citizens should be elected for all State, Federal and municipal offices of government employment, in preference to all others. Persons born of American parents residing temporarily abroad, should be entitled to all the rights of native-born citizens. No person should be selected for political station (whether of native or foreign birth), who recognizes any allegiance or obligation of any description to any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who refuses to recognize the Federal and State Constitutions (each within its sphere) as paramount to all other laws, as rules of political action. The unequaled recognition and maintenance of the reserved rights of the several States, and the cultivation of harmony and fraternal good-will between the citizens of the several States, and to this end, non-interference by Congress with questions appertaining solely to the individual States, and non-intervention by each State with the affairs of any other State. How did the American Party respond to the immigration of Germans in the Midwest and Irish in the East?
3.
MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION
30 sec • 1 pt
In a response letter to John Holmes in April 1820 concerning the Missouri question, Thomas Jefferson wrote: This momentous question, like a fire bell in the night, awakened and filled me with terror. I considered it at once as the [death] knell of the Union . . . but this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence. A geographical line, coinciding with a marked principle, moral and political, once conceived and held up to the angry passions of men, will never be obliterated; and every new irritation will mark it deeper and deeper . . . the cession of that kind of property, . . . would not cost me in a second thought, if . . . a general emancipation . . . could be effected . . . but, as it is, we have the wolf by the ear, and we can neither hold him, nor safely let him go. Justice is in one scale, and self-preservation in the other. Why did Jefferson believe that the passage of the Missouri Compromise would deepen sectional conflict?
4.
MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION
30 sec • 1 pt
I appeal to you, my friends, as mothers: are you willing to enslave your children? You start back with horror and indignation at such a question. But why, if slavery is no wrong to those upon whom it is imposed? Angelina Grimké, An Appeal to the Christian Women of the South, 1836. How did Angelina Grimké′s religious beliefs affect her participation in the abolitionist movement?
5.
MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION
30 sec • 1 pt
Fellow Citizens, I am not wanting in respect for the fathers of this republic. The signers of the Declaration of Independence were brave men. . . . The point from which I am compelled to view them is not, certainly, the most favorable; and yet I cannot contemplate their great deeds with less than admiration. They were statesmen, patriots and heroes, and for the good they did, and the principles they contended for, I will unite with you to honor their memory. . . . What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer; a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are, to Him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy— a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of the United States, at this very hour. Frederick Douglass, July 5, 1852 What understanding did Frederick Douglass wish to convey in his speech, What to a Slave is the Fourth of July?
6.
MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION
30 sec • 1 pt
James Henry Hammond was a South Carolina politician and U.S. Senator before the Civil War. He was a strong advocate of slavery and included justifications of the institution into many of his speeches: The Senator from New York said yesterday that the whole world had abolished slavery . . . all the powers of the earth cannot abolish that . . . in short, your whole hireling class of manual laborers . . . are essentially slaves. The difference between us is, that our slaves are hired for life and well compensated; there is no starvation, no begging, no want of employment among our people, and not too much employment either. Yours are hired by the day, not cared for, and scantily compensated, which may be proved in the most painful manner, at any hour in any street of your large towns. Why, you meet more beggars in one day, in any single street of the city of New York, than you would meet in a lifetime in the whole South. We do not think that whites should be slaves either by law or necessity. Our slaves are black, of another . . . race. The status in which we have placed them is an elevation . . . They are happy, content, unaspiring . . . Yours are white, of your own race; you are brothers of one blood. They are your equals in natural endowment of intellect, and they feel galled by their degradation. James Henry Hammond, speech before the U.S. Senate, March 4, 1858. According to Hammond, how did freedom and equality contribute to the justification of the economic system of slavery in the South?
7.
MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTION
30 sec • 1 pt
How did the outcome of the Mexican-American War, which added new lands to America, increase sectional tensions throughout the 1850s?
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