APLANG MCQ Practice

The passage below is an excerpt from the autobiography of a 19th-century American literary figure

"One day in June, 1854, young Adams walked for the last time down the steps of Mr. Dixwell's school in Boylston Place, and felt no sensation but one of unqualified joy that this experience was ended. Never before or afterwards in his life did he close Line a period so long as four years without some sensation of loss-some sentiment of habit-but school was what in after life he commonly heard his friends denounce as an intolerable bore. He was born too old for it. The same thing could be said of most New England boys. Mentally they were never boys. Their education as men should have begun at ten years old. They were fully five years more mature than the English or European boy for whom schools were made. For the purposes of future advancement, as afterwards appeared, these first six years of a possible education were wasted in doing imperfectly what might have been done perfectly in one, and in any case would have had small value. The next regular step was Harvard College. He was more than glad to go. For generation after generation, Adamses and Brookses and Boylstons and Gorhams had gone to Harvard College, and although none of them, as far as known, had ever done any good there, or thought himself the better for it, custom, social ties, convenience, and above all, economy, kept each generation in the track. Any other education would have required a serious effort, but no one took Harvard College seriously. All went there because their friends went there, and the College was their ideal of social self-respect. Harvard College, as far as it educated at all, was a mild and liberal school, which sent young men into the world with all they needed to make respectable citizens, and something of what they wanted to make useful ones. Leaders of men it never tried to make. Its ideas were altogether different. The Unitarian clergy had given to the College a character of moderation, balance, judgment, restraint, what the French called mesure; excellent traits, which the College attained with singular success, so that its graduates could commonly be recognized by the stamp, but such a type of character rarely lent itself to autobiography. In effect, the school created a type but not a will. Four years of Harvard College, if successful, resulted in an autobiographical blank, a mind on which only a water-mark had been stamped. The stamp, as such things went, was a good one. The chief wonder of education is that it does not ruin everybody concerned with it, teachers and taught. Sometimes in after life, Adams debated whether in fact it had not ruined him and most of his companions, but, disappointment apart, Harvard College was probably less hurtful than any other University then in existence. It taught little, and that little ill, but it left the mind open, free from bias, ignorant of facts, but docile. The graduate had few strong prejudices. He knew little, but his mind remained supple, ready to receive knowledge. What caused the boy most disappointment was the little he got from his mates. Speaking exactly, he got less than nothing, a result common enough in education. Yet the College Catalogue for the years 1854¨C1861 shows a list of names rather distinguished in their time. Alexander Agassiz and Phillips Brooks led it. H. H. Richardson and O. W. Holmes helped to close it. As a rule the most promising of all die early, and never get their names into a Dictionary of Contemporaries which seems to be the only popular standard of success. Many died in the war. Adams knew them all, more or less; he felt as much regard, and quite as much respect for them then, as he did after they won great names and were objects of a vastly wider respect; but, as help toward education, he got nothing whatever from them or they from him until long after they had left College. Possibly the fault was his, but one would like to know how many others shared it. Accident counts for as much in companionship as in marriage. Life offers perhaps only a score of possible companions, and it is mere chance whether they meet as early as school or college, but it is more than a chance that boys brought up together under like conditions have nothing to give each other."

1. Taken as a whole, the passage is best described as

• A series of Anecdotes about college life in the past

• A summary of academic customs during a particular era

• An assessment of young man's educational experiences

• An indictment of an obsolete educational system

• A description of a historical period

Tags

CCSS.RL.5.6

CCSS.RL.6.6

CCSS.RL.7.6

CCSS.RL.8.6

The passage below is an excerpt from the autobiography of a 19th-century American literary figure

"One day in June, 1854, young Adams walked for the last time down the steps of Mr. Dixwell's school in Boylston Place, and felt no sensation but one of unqualified joy that this experience was ended. Never before or afterwards in his life did he close Line a period so long as four years without some sensation of loss-some sentiment of habit-but school was what in after life he commonly heard his friends denounce as an intolerable bore. He was born too old for it. The same thing could be said of most New England boys. Mentally they were never boys. Their education as men should have begun at ten years old. They were fully five years more mature than the English or European boy for whom schools were made. For the purposes of future advancement, as afterwards appeared, these first six years of a possible education were wasted in doing imperfectly what might have been done perfectly in one, and in any case would have had small value. The next regular step was Harvard College. He was more than glad to go. For generation after generation, Adamses and Brookses and Boylstons and Gorhams had gone to Harvard College, and although none of them, as far as known, had ever done any good there, or thought himself the better for it, custom, social ties, convenience, and above all, economy, kept each generation in the track. Any other education would have required a serious effort, but no one took Harvard College seriously. All went there because their friends went there, and the College was their ideal of social self-respect. Harvard College, as far as it educated at all, was a mild and liberal school, which sent young men into the world with all they needed to make respectable citizens, and something of what they wanted to make useful ones. Leaders of men it never tried to make. Its ideas were altogether different. The Unitarian clergy had given to the College a character of moderation, balance, judgment, restraint, what the French called mesure; excellent traits, which the College attained with singular success, so that its graduates could commonly be recognized by the stamp, but such a type of character rarely lent itself to autobiography. In effect, the school created a type but not a will. Four years of Harvard College, if successful, resulted in an autobiographical blank, a mind on which only a water-mark had been stamped. The stamp, as such things went, was a good one. The chief wonder of education is that it does not ruin everybody concerned with it, teachers and taught. Sometimes in after life, Adams debated whether in fact it had not ruined him and most of his companions, but, disappointment apart, Harvard College was probably less hurtful than any other University then in existence. It taught little, and that little ill, but it left the mind open, free from bias, ignorant of facts, but docile. The graduate had few strong prejudices. He knew little, but his mind remained supple, ready to receive knowledge. What caused the boy most disappointment was the little he got from his mates. Speaking exactly, he got less than nothing, a result common enough in education. Yet the College Catalogue for the years 1854¨C1861 shows a list of names rather distinguished in their time. Alexander Agassiz and Phillips Brooks led it. H. H. Richardson and O. W. Holmes helped to close it. As a rule the most promising of all die early, and never get their names into a Dictionary of Contemporaries which seems to be the only popular standard of success. Many died in the war. Adams knew them all, more or less; he felt as much regard, and quite as much respect for them then, as he did after they won great names and were objects of a vastly wider respect; but, as help toward education, he got nothing whatever from them or they from him until long after they had left College. Possibly the fault was his, but one would like to know how many others shared it. Accident counts for as much in companionship as in marriage. Life offers perhaps only a score of possible companions, and it is mere chance whether they meet as early as school or college, but it is more than a chance that boys brought up together under like conditions have nothing to give each other."

2. 2. In line 3, the phrase "This experience" feres to Adams'

• Lack of sensation

• Attendance at Mr. Dixwell's school

• Walk down the steps

• Graduation after four years

• Boredom

Tags

CCSS.RI.11-12.4

CCSS.RI.9-10.4

CCSS.RL.11-12.4

CCSS.RL.8.4

CCSS.RL.9-10.4

The passage below is an excerpt from the autobiography of a 19th-century American literary figure

"One day in June, 1854, young Adams walked for the last time down the steps of Mr. Dixwell's school in Boylston Place, and felt no sensation but one of unqualified joy that this experience was ended. Never before or afterwards in his life did he close Line a period so long as four years without some sensation of loss-some sentiment of habit-but school was what in after life he commonly heard his friends denounce as an intolerable bore. He was born too old for it. The same thing could be said of most New England boys. Mentally they were never boys. Their education as men should have begun at ten years old. They were fully five years more mature than the English or European boy for whom schools were made. For the purposes of future advancement, as afterwards appeared, these first six years of a possible education were wasted in doing imperfectly what might have been done perfectly in one, and in any case would have had small value. The next regular step was Harvard College. He was more than glad to go. For generation after generation, Adamses and Brookses and Boylstons and Gorhams had gone to Harvard College, and although none of them, as far as known, had ever done any good there, or thought himself the better for it, custom, social ties, convenience, and above all, economy, kept each generation in the track. Any other education would have required a serious effort, but no one took Harvard College seriously. All went there because their friends went there, and the College was their ideal of social self-respect. Harvard College, as far as it educated at all, was a mild and liberal school, which sent young men into the world with all they needed to make respectable citizens, and something of what they wanted to make useful ones. Leaders of men it never tried to make. Its ideas were altogether different. The Unitarian clergy had given to the College a character of moderation, balance, judgment, restraint, what the French called mesure; excellent traits, which the College attained with singular success, so that its graduates could commonly be recognized by the stamp, but such a type of character rarely lent itself to autobiography. In effect, the school created a type but not a will. Four years of Harvard College, if successful, resulted in an autobiographical blank, a mind on which only a water-mark had been stamped. The stamp, as such things went, was a good one. The chief wonder of education is that it does not ruin everybody concerned with it, teachers and taught. Sometimes in after life, Adams debated whether in fact it had not ruined him and most of his companions, but, disappointment apart, Harvard College was probably less hurtful than any other University then in existence. It taught little, and that little ill, but it left the mind open, free from bias, ignorant of facts, but docile. The graduate had few strong prejudices. He knew little, but his mind remained supple, ready to receive knowledge. What caused the boy most disappointment was the little he got from his mates. Speaking exactly, he got less than nothing, a result common enough in education. Yet the College Catalogue for the years 1854¨C1861 shows a list of names rather distinguished in their time. Alexander Agassiz and Phillips Brooks led it. H. H. Richardson and O. W. Holmes helped to close it. As a rule the most promising of all die early, and never get their names into a Dictionary of Contemporaries which seems to be the only popular standard of success. Many died in the war. Adams knew them all, more or less; he felt as much regard, and quite as much respect for them then, as he did after they won great names and were objects of a vastly wider respect; but, as help toward education, he got nothing whatever from them or they from him until long after they had left College. Possibly the fault was his, but one would like to know how many others shared it. Accident counts for as much in companionship as in marriage. Life offers perhaps only a score of possible companions, and it is mere chance whether they meet as early as school or college, but it is more than a chance that boys brought up together under like conditions have nothing to give each other."

3. Which of the following best describes the rhetorical effect of the sentence in line 6 ("He was born too old for it")

• It succinctly summarizes all the ideas contained in the passage thus far

• It contrasts starkly to the structure and diction of the preceding sentence

• It suggests the simpleminded mentality of mist New England boys

• It completely reverses the tone of the passage

• It serves as a dramatic climax to the story of Adams' education

Tags

CCSS.RL.2.6

CCSS.RL.8.3

"One day in June, 1854, young Adams walked for the last time down the steps of Mr. Dixwell's school in Boylston Place, and felt no sensation but one of unqualified joy that this experience was ended. Never before or afterwards in his life did he close Line a period so long as four years without some sensation of loss-some sentiment of habit-but school was what in after life he commonly heard his friends denounce as an intolerable bore. He was born too old for it. The same thing could be said of most New England boys. Mentally they were never boys. Their education as men should have begun at ten years old. They were fully five years more mature than the English or European boy for whom schools were made. For the purposes of future advancement, as afterwards appeared, these first six years of a possible education were wasted in doing imperfectly what might have been done perfectly in one, and in any case would have had small value. The next regular step was Harvard College. He was more than glad to go. For generation after generation, Adamses and Brookses and Boylstons and Gorhams had gone to Harvard College, and although none of them, as far as known, had ever done any good there, or thought himself the better for it, custom, social ties, convenience, and above all, economy, kept each generation in the track. Any other education would have required a serious effort, but no one took Harvard College seriously. All went there because their friends went there, and the College was their ideal of social self-respect. Harvard College, as far as it educated at all, was a mild and liberal school, which sent young men into the world with all they needed to make respectable citizens, and something of what they wanted to make useful ones. Leaders of men it never tried to make. Its ideas were altogether different. The Unitarian clergy had given to the College a character of moderation, balance, judgment, restraint, what the French called mesure; excellent traits, which the College attained with singular success, so that its graduates could commonly be recognized by the stamp, but such a type of character rarely lent itself to autobiography. In effect, the school created a type but not a will. Four years of Harvard College, if successful, resulted in an autobiographical blank, a mind on which only a water-mark had been stamped. The stamp, as such things went, was a good one. The chief wonder of education is that it does not ruin everybody concerned with it, teachers and taught. Sometimes in after life, Adams debated whether in fact it had not ruined him and most of his companions, but, disappointment apart, Harvard College was probably less hurtful than any other University then in existence. It taught little, and that little ill, but it left the mind open, free from bias, ignorant of facts, but docile. The graduate had few strong prejudices. He knew little, but his mind remained supple, ready to receive knowledge. What caused the boy most disappointment was the little he got from his mates. Speaking exactly, he got less than nothing, a result common enough in education. Yet the College Catalogue for the years 1854¨C1861 shows a list of names rather distinguished in their time. Alexander Agassiz and Phillips Brooks led it. H. H. Richardson and O. W. Holmes helped to close it. As a rule the most promising of all die early, and never get their names into a Dictionary of Contemporaries which seems to be the only popular standard of success. Many died in the war. Adams knew them all, more or less; he felt as much regard, and quite as much respect for them then, as he did after they won great names and were objects of a vastly wider respect; but, as help toward education, he got nothing whatever from them or they from him until long after they had left College. Possibly the fault was his, but one would like to know how many others shared it. Accident counts for as much in companionship as in marriage. Life offers perhaps only a score of possible companions, and it is mere chance whether they meet as early as school or college, but it is more than a chance that boys brought up together under like conditions have nothing to give each other."

4. 4. The effects of a Harvard education discussed in lines 20–22 are referred to elsewhere as which of the following?

• Above all, economy (line 16)

• Serious effort (line 17)

• Less hurtful (line 33)

• Ready to receive knowledge (line 36-37)

• Less than nothing (line 39)

Tags

CCSS.RI. 9-10.2

CCSS.RI.11-12.2

CCSS.RI.8.2

CCSS.RL.11-12.2

CCSS.RL.9-10.2

"One day in June, 1854, young Adams walked for the last time down the steps of Mr. Dixwell's school in Boylston Place, and felt no sensation but one of unqualified joy that this experience was ended. Never before or afterwards in his life did he close Line a period so long as four years without some sensation of loss-some sentiment of habit-but school was what in after life he commonly heard his friends denounce as an intolerable bore. He was born too old for it. The same thing could be said of most New England boys. Mentally they were never boys. Their education as men should have begun at ten years old. They were fully five years more mature than the English or European boy for whom schools were made. For the purposes of future advancement, as afterwards appeared, these first six years of a possible education were wasted in doing imperfectly what might have been done perfectly in one, and in any case would have had small value. The next regular step was Harvard College. He was more than glad to go. For generation after generation, Adamses and Brookses and Boylstons and Gorhams had gone to Harvard College, and although none of them, as far as known, had ever done any good there, or thought himself the better for it, custom, social ties, convenience, and above all, economy, kept each generation in the track. Any other education would have required a serious effort, but no one took Harvard College seriously. All went there because their friends went there, and the College was their ideal of social self-respect. Harvard College, as far as it educated at all, was a mild and liberal school, which sent young men into the world with all they needed to make respectable citizens, and something of what they wanted to make useful ones. Leaders of men it never tried to make. Its ideas were altogether different. The Unitarian clergy had given to the College a character of moderation, balance, judgment, restraint, what the French called mesure; excellent traits, which the College attained with singular success, so that its graduates could commonly be recognized by the stamp, but such a type of character rarely lent itself to autobiography. In effect, the school created a type but not a will. Four years of Harvard College, if successful, resulted in an autobiographical blank, a mind on which only a water-mark had been stamped. The stamp, as such things went, was a good one. The chief wonder of education is that it does not ruin everybody concerned with it, teachers and taught. Sometimes in after life, Adams debated whether in fact it had not ruined him and most of his companions, but, disappointment apart, Harvard College was probably less hurtful than any other University then in existence. It taught little, and that little ill, but it left the mind open, free from bias, ignorant of facts, but docile. The graduate had few strong prejudices. He knew little, but his mind remained supple, ready to receive knowledge. What caused the boy most disappointment was the little he got from his mates. Speaking exactly, he got less than nothing, a result common enough in education. Yet the College Catalogue for the years 1854¨C1861 shows a list of names rather distinguished in their time. Alexander Agassiz and Phillips Brooks led it. H. H. Richardson and O. W. Holmes helped to close it. As a rule the most promising of all die early, and never get their names into a Dictionary of Contemporaries which seems to be the only popular standard of success. Many died in the war. Adams knew them all, more or less; he felt as much regard, and quite as much respect for them then, as he did after they won great names and were objects of a vastly wider respect; but, as help toward education, he got nothing whatever from them or they from him until long after they had left College. Possibly the fault was his, but one would like to know how many others shared it. Accident counts for as much in companionship as in marriage. Life offers perhaps only a score of possible companions, and it is mere chance whether they meet as early as school or college, but it is more than a chance that boys brought up together under like conditions have nothing to give each other."

5. The rhetorical device most in evidence in lines 34–36 is best described as

• Oxymoron

• Pun

• Antithesis

• hyperbole

• Allusion

Tags

CCSS.RI.11-12.10

CCSS.RI.8.10

CCSS.RI.9-10.10

CCSS.RL.11-12.10

CCSS.RL.9-10.10

The passage below is an excerpt from a 20th-century book.

Both the city and the Italian Colony were progressing steadily when the 1906 earthquake and fire struck. San Francisco had been razed by fires six times from 1849 to 1851, and each time the ruins had been swept away and the city rebuilt in Linea much finer fashion. This time, however, the damage was far too extensive. The tragedy was compounded by the great number of people and buildings which were concentrated along the path of the fault. The destruction caused by the earthquake and the ensuing fire in the Italian Quarter resulted in the complete loss of the district. The Italian Quarter, as other parts of the city hit by the disaster, had been reduced to a knotted, tangled mass of bent steel frames, charred bricks, and ashes. In North Beach, only a small part of the community remained. The Italians on Telegraph Hill had been luckier than most, although they suffered losses since insurance companies were not interested in insuring remote areas of the Hill. The scattered fire hydrants and water cisterns were not to be found east of Dupont Street and the insurance companies were not willing to gamble. It was reported in the Italian press that some 20,000 Italians lost their homes in the conflagration. One of the priests from the church of St. Peter and Paul had managed to save the consecrated host, vestments, and holy vessels and said Mass under the inflamed sky. After the fires had died, the Italians quietly returned to North Beach and tried to find the confidence to rebuild Little Italy. Approximately five to six hundred Italians had definitely left San Francisco due to this tragic event, while over six thousand new immigrants arrived and helped the survivors clear the ruins. Seven hundred building permits were granted to North Beach Italian residents and businessmen to expedite the construction of the Colony. Several real estate firms, such as the J. Cuneo Company in North Beach, demonstrated their confidence in the determination of the Italians by investing $400,000 in the reconstruction of apartments, stores, flats, and business offices. Temporary buildings were cheaply erected for immediate occupancy, while the leaders of the Colony were busily engaged in drawing up plans for a modern Little Italy. The buildings would be simple, small, neat, and airy, which combined both functional and classical lines.6 One writer described this new architecture as a reflection of the Italian immigrants' acceptance of American ways. The most picturesque features of the flats and apartments were the roof-top sun decks with flower gardens. Part of the planning for the new Colony included the renaming of two of the main thoroughfares of the Italian Quarter. In 1907, one-half of Dupont Street was renamed Grant Avenue, and by the end of 1908 all of Dupont became Grant Avenue. By 1910, Montgomery Avenue was renamed Columbus Avenue and still retained its fame as "The Avenue." The changes in these street names denoted a change in the geographic character of the Italian Quarter.

6. The tone of the passage is best described as

• Reverent but remorseful

• Disapproving but respectful

• Excited and energetic

• Unemotional and informative

• Admiring and awe-struck

Tags

CCSS.RL.11-12.4

CCSS.RL.6.4

CCSS.RL.7.4

CCSS.RL.8.4

CCSS.RL.9-10.4

The passage below is an excerpt from a 20th-century book.

Both the city and the Italian Colony were progressing steadily when the 1906 earthquake and fire struck. San Francisco had been razed by fires six times from 1849 to 1851, and each time the ruins had been swept away and the city rebuilt in Linea much finer fashion. This time, however, the damage was far too extensive. The tragedy was compounded by the great number of people and buildings which were concentrated along the path of the fault. The destruction caused by the earthquake and the ensuing fire in the Italian Quarter resulted in the complete loss of the district. The Italian Quarter, as other parts of the city hit by the disaster, had been reduced to a knotted, tangled mass of bent steel frames, charred bricks, and ashes. In North Beach, only a small part of the community remained. The Italians on Telegraph Hill had been luckier than most, although they suffered losses since insurance companies were not interested in insuring remote areas of the Hill. The scattered fire hydrants and water cisterns were not to be found east of Dupont Street and the insurance companies were not willing to gamble. It was reported in the Italian press that some 20,000 Italians lost their homes in the conflagration. One of the priests from the church of St. Peter and Paul had managed to save the consecrated host, vestments, and holy vessels and said Mass under the inflamed sky. After the fires had died, the Italians quietly returned to North Beach and tried to find the confidence to rebuild Little Italy. Approximately five to six hundred Italians had definitely left San Francisco due to this tragic event, while over six thousand new immigrants arrived and helped the survivors clear the ruins. Seven hundred building permits were granted to North Beach Italian residents and businessmen to expedite the construction of the Colony. Several real estate firms, such as the J. Cuneo Company in North Beach, demonstrated their confidence in the determination of the Italians by investing $400,000 in the reconstruction of apartments, stores, flats, and business offices. Temporary buildings were cheaply erected for immediate occupancy, while the leaders of the Colony were busily engaged in drawing up plans for a modern Little Italy. The buildings would be simple, small, neat, and airy, which combined both functional and classical lines.6 One writer described this new architecture as a reflection of the Italian immigrants' acceptance of American ways. The most picturesque features of the flats and apartments were the roof-top sun decks with flower gardens. Part of the planning for the new Colony included the renaming of two of the main thoroughfares of the Italian Quarter. In 1907, one-half of Dupont Street was renamed Grant Avenue, and by the end of 1908 all of Dupont became Grant Avenue. By 1910, Montgomery Avenue was renamed Columbus Avenue and still retained its fame as "The Avenue." The changes in these street names denoted a change in the geographic character of the Italian Quarter.

7. 7. Which of the following describes the rhetorical purpose of the first paragraph (lines 1-6)?

• It suggests that San Franciscans were unaware of the dangers of earthquakes

• It raises questions that will be discussed in the remainder of the passage

• It provides a thesis that will be challenged later in the passage

• It explains the uniqueness of the 1906 earthquake

• It introduces the reader of the intense emotion generated by the tragic events discussed in the passage

The passage below is an excerpt from a 20th-century book.

Both the city and the Italian Colony were progressing steadily when the 1906 earthquake and fire struck. San Francisco had been razed by fires six times from 1849 to 1851, and each time the ruins had been swept away and the city rebuilt in Linea much finer fashion. This time, however, the damage was far too extensive. The tragedy was compounded by the great number of people and buildings which were concentrated along the path of the fault. The destruction caused by the earthquake and the ensuing fire in the Italian Quarter resulted in the complete loss of the district. The Italian Quarter, as other parts of the city hit by the disaster, had been reduced to a knotted, tangled mass of bent steel frames, charred bricks, and ashes. In North Beach, only a small part of the community remained. The Italians on Telegraph Hill had been luckier than most, although they suffered losses since insurance companies were not interested in insuring remote areas of the Hill. The scattered fire hydrants and water cisterns were not to be found east of Dupont Street and the insurance companies were not willing to gamble. It was reported in the Italian press that some 20,000 Italians lost their homes in the conflagration. One of the priests from the church of St. Peter and Paul had managed to save the consecrated host, vestments, and holy vessels and said Mass under the inflamed sky. After the fires had died, the Italians quietly returned to North Beach and tried to find the confidence to rebuild Little Italy. Approximately five to six hundred Italians had definitely left San Francisco due to this tragic event, while over six thousand new immigrants arrived and helped the survivors clear the ruins. Seven hundred building permits were granted to North Beach Italian residents and businessmen to expedite the construction of the Colony. Several real estate firms, such as the J. Cuneo Company in North Beach, demonstrated their confidence in the determination of the Italians by investing $400,000 in the reconstruction of apartments, stores, flats, and business offices. Temporary buildings were cheaply erected for immediate occupancy, while the leaders of the Colony were busily engaged in drawing up plans for a modern Little Italy. The buildings would be simple, small, neat, and airy, which combined both functional and classical lines.6 One writer described this new architecture as a reflection of the Italian immigrants' acceptance of American ways. The most picturesque features of the flats and apartments were the roof-top sun decks with flower gardens. Part of the planning for the new Colony included the renaming of two of the main thoroughfares of the Italian Quarter. In 1907, one-half of Dupont Street was renamed Grant Avenue, and by the end of 1908 all of Dupont became Grant Avenue. By 1910, Montgomery Avenue was renamed Columbus Avenue and still retained its fame as "The Avenue." The changes in these street names denoted a change in the geographic character of the Italian Quarter.

8. 8. The sequence of detailed images in lines 9-10 are meant to illustrate all of the following EXCEPT

• The tragedy (lines 4-5)

• The fault (line 6)

• The destruction (line 7)

• Complete loss (line 8)

• The disaster (line 9)

Tags

CCSS.RI.11-12.5

CCSS.RI.6.5

CCSS.RI.7.5

CCSS.RI.8.5

CCSS.RI.9-10.5

The passage below is an excerpt from a 20th-century book.

Both the city and the Italian Colony were progressing steadily when the 1906 earthquake and fire struck. San Francisco had been razed by fires six times from 1849 to 1851, and each time the ruins had been swept away and the city rebuilt in Linea much finer fashion. This time, however, the damage was far too extensive. The tragedy was compounded by the great number of people and buildings which were concentrated along the path of the fault. The destruction caused by the earthquake and the ensuing fire in the Italian Quarter resulted in the complete loss of the district. The Italian Quarter, as other parts of the city hit by the disaster, had been reduced to a knotted, tangled mass of bent steel frames, charred bricks, and ashes. In North Beach, only a small part of the community remained. The Italians on Telegraph Hill had been luckier than most, although they suffered losses since insurance companies were not interested in insuring remote areas of the Hill. The scattered fire hydrants and water cisterns were not to be found east of Dupont Street and the insurance companies were not willing to gamble. It was reported in the Italian press that some 20,000 Italians lost their homes in the conflagration. One of the priests from the church of St. Peter and Paul had managed to save the consecrated host, vestments, and holy vessels and said Mass under the inflamed sky. After the fires had died, the Italians quietly returned to North Beach and tried to find the confidence to rebuild Little Italy. Approximately five to six hundred Italians had definitely left San Francisco due to this tragic event, while over six thousand new immigrants arrived and helped the survivors clear the ruins. Seven hundred building permits were granted to North Beach Italian residents and businessmen to expedite the construction of the Colony. Several real estate firms, such as the J. Cuneo Company in North Beach, demonstrated their confidence in the determination of the Italians by investing $400,000 in the reconstruction of apartments, stores, flats, and business offices. Temporary buildings were cheaply erected for immediate occupancy, while the leaders of the Colony were busily engaged in drawing up plans for a modern Little Italy. The buildings would be simple, small, neat, and airy, which combined both functional and classical lines.6 One writer described this new architecture as a reflection of the Italian immigrants' acceptance of American ways. The most picturesque features of the flats and apartments were the roof-top sun decks with flower gardens. Part of the planning for the new Colony included the renaming of two of the main thoroughfares of the Italian Quarter. In 1907, one-half of Dupont Street was renamed Grant Avenue, and by the end of 1908 all of Dupont became Grant Avenue. By 1910, Montgomery Avenue was renamed Columbus Avenue and still retained its fame as "The Avenue." The changes in these street names denoted a change in the geographic character of the Italian Quarter.

9. 9. Line 35-38 contain which of the following?

• An illustrative anecdote

• Subordinate clauses

• A single compound sentence

• Antithesis

• An extended metaphor

Tags

CCSS.RI.11-12.5

CCSS.RI.6.5

CCSS.RI.7.5

CCSS.RI.8.5

CCSS.RI.9-10.5

The passage below is an excerpt from a 20th-century book.

Both the city and the Italian Colony were progressing steadily when the 1906 earthquake and fire struck. San Francisco had been razed by fires six times from 1849 to 1851, and each time the ruins had been swept away and the city rebuilt in Linea much finer fashion. This time, however, the damage was far too extensive. The tragedy was compounded by the great number of people and buildings which were concentrated along the path of the fault. The destruction caused by the earthquake and the ensuing fire in the Italian Quarter resulted in the complete loss of the district. The Italian Quarter, as other parts of the city hit by the disaster, had been reduced to a knotted, tangled mass of bent steel frames, charred bricks, and ashes. In North Beach, only a small part of the community remained. The Italians on Telegraph Hill had been luckier than most, although they suffered losses since insurance companies were not interested in insuring remote areas of the Hill. The scattered fire hydrants and water cisterns were not to be found east of Dupont Street and the insurance companies were not willing to gamble. It was reported in the Italian press that some 20,000 Italians lost their homes in the conflagration. One of the priests from the church of St. Peter and Paul had managed to save the consecrated host, vestments, and holy vessels and said Mass under the inflamed sky. After the fires had died, the Italians quietly returned to North Beach and tried to find the confidence to rebuild Little Italy. Approximately five to six hundred Italians had definitely left San Francisco due to this tragic event, while over six thousand new immigrants arrived and helped the survivors clear the ruins. Seven hundred building permits were granted to North Beach Italian residents and businessmen to expedite the construction of the Colony. Several real estate firms, such as the J. Cuneo Company in North Beach, demonstrated their confidence in the determination of the Italians by investing $400,000 in the reconstruction of apartments, stores, flats, and business offices. Temporary buildings were cheaply erected for immediate occupancy, while the leaders of the Colony were busily engaged in drawing up plans for a modern Little Italy. The buildings would be simple, small, neat, and airy, which combined both functional and classical lines.6 One writer described this new architecture as a reflection of the Italian immigrants' acceptance of American ways. The most picturesque features of the flats and apartments were the roof-top sun decks with flower gardens. Part of the planning for the new Colony included the renaming of two of the main thoroughfares of the Italian Quarter. In 1907, one-half of Dupont Street was renamed Grant Avenue, and by the end of 1908 all of Dupont became Grant Avenue. By 1910, Montgomery Avenue was renamed Columbus Avenue and still retained its fame as "The Avenue." The changes in these street names denoted a change in the geographic character of the Italian Quarter.

10. 10. Which of the following best describes the primary rhetorical purpose of the sentence, "The scattered ... to gamble" (lines 13-15)?

• To develop an idea presented in the previous sentence

• To provide background for understanding information contained in the next sentence

• To specify the location where earthquake did the greatest damage

• To clarify the author's attitude toward insurance companies

• To suggest that the earthquake destroyed the hydrants and water cisterns

Tags

CCSS.RI.11-12.5

CCSS.RI.6.5

CCSS.RI.7.5

CCSS.RI.8.5

CCSS.RI.9-10.5