WorksheetsInternational Organizations and Think Tanks Final Quiz (Fall 2025)
Total questions: 90
Worksheet time: 45mins
Name
Class
Date
1.
According to Hurd, international organizations (IOs) are best understood as:
a)
Independent world governments
b)
Neutral technical bodies
c)
Products of agreements among sovereign states
d)
Replacements for states
2.
What gives IOs their legal authority?
a)
Military power
b)
Customary international law alone
c)
Treaties agreed upon by states
d)
Moral legitimacy only
3.
IOs differ from informal cooperation mainly because they:
a)
Eliminate power politics
b)
Possess formal rules and institutional structures
c)
Are always effective
d)
Represent global public opinion
4.
Which of the following is NOT a core feature of IOs identified by Hurd?
a)
Legal personality
b)
Formal membership
c)
Autonomous coercive power
d)
Defined competencies
5.
Hurd emphasizes that IOs are inherently:
a)
Apolitical
b)
Technical
c)
Political institutions
d)
Temporary arrangements
6.
States incur legal obligations in IOs primarily through:
a)
Moral pressure
b)
Power asymmetries
c)
Voluntary consent to treaties
d)
Custom alone
7.
Why do obligations matter even when enforcement is weak?
a)
Because IOs can use force
b)
Because obligations shape expectations and behavior
c)
Because states fear sanctions only
d)
Because obligations override sovereignty
8.
According to Hurd, rules in IOs often:
a)
Remove ambiguity from politics
b)
Replace national interests
c)
Become objects of political contestation
d)
Eliminate interpretation
9.
The UN Charter is significant because it:
a)
Ends war entirely
b)
Creates binding legal obligations for member states
c)
Establishes global democracy
d)
Eliminates sovereignty
10.
Obligations in IOs are best described as:
a)
Automatically enforced
b)
Purely symbolic
c)
Politically negotiated and legally framed
d)
Irrelevant to behavior
11.
Compliance refers to:
a)
The moral approval of IOs
b)
States’ conformity with agreed rules
c)
Enforcement through sanctions
d)
Judicial rulings only
12.
Hurd argues that non-compliance often results from:
a)
Ignorance of rules
b)
Deliberate lawlessness
c)
Conflicting interpretations and interests
d)
Absence of institutions
13.
Which factor most strongly encourages compliance?
a)
Military coercion
b)
Fear of invasion
c)
Legitimacy of rules
d)
Economic dependency alone
14.
Compliance should NOT be understood as:
a)
A binary outcome
b)
A political process
c)
Always perfect
d)
Influenced by legitimacy
15.
Why do powerful states sometimes comply with unfavorable IO rulings?
a)
Lack of alternatives
b)
Fear of retaliation
c)
Desire to preserve institutional legitimacy
d)
Legal obligation alone
16.
Enforcement in IOs is best described as:
a)
Centralized and automatic
b)
Rare and irrelevant
c)
Decentralized and politically constrained
d)
Always coercive
17.
The UN Security Council’s enforcement authority is limited by:
a)
International courts
b)
State sovereignty and veto power
c)
Public opinion
d)
Economic sanctions only
18.
Hurd emphasizes that enforcement failures do NOT necessarily imply:
a)
Weak institutions
b)
Political disagreement
c)
Irrelevance of IOs
d)
Power politics
19.
Which enforcement mechanism is most common in IOs?
a)
Military force
b)
Naming and shaming
c)
Imprisonment
d)
Occupation
20.
Enforcement is politically sensitive because it:
a)
Always violates law
b)
Challenges state sovereignty
c)
Ends cooperation
d)
Eliminates consent
21.
Hurd defines sovereignty primarily as:
a)
Absolute independence
b)
Legal equality among states
c)
The absence of rules
d)
Military strength
22.
IOs affect sovereignty by:
a)
Eliminating it
b)
Redistributing authority
c)
Replacing states
d)
Making borders irrelevant
23.
Sovereignty and IO membership are best understood as:
a)
Mutually exclusive
b)
In constant conflict
c)
Compatible and coexisting
d)
Historically unrelated
24.
Why do states accept limits on their autonomy in IOs?
a)
Coercion
b)
Miscalculation
c)
Expected benefits of cooperation
d)
Ideological pressure
25.
Which institution most clearly illustrates pooled sovereignty?
a)
NATO
b)
The European Union
c)
The UN General Assembly
d)
OPEC
26.
Legitimacy refers to:
a)
Legal enforcement
b)
Moral correctness
c)
Belief that an institution’s authority is appropriate
d)
Electoral support
27.
According to Hurd, legitimacy matters because it:
a)
Eliminates conflict
b)
Increases compliance
c)
Replaces power
d)
Guarantees enforcement
28.
An IO loses legitimacy when it is perceived as:
a)
Inefficient
b)
Biased or unfair
c)
Underfunded
d)
Bureaucratic
29.
Which body often faces legitimacy debates due to unequal power distribution?
a)
WHO
b)
WTO
c)
UN Security Council
d)
ILO
30.
Legitimacy is best understood as:
a)
Fixed
b)
Automatic
c)
Socially constructed
d)
Legally guaranteed
31.
Global governance refers to:
a)
World government
b)
Rule by IOs alone
c)
Collective management of global issues
d)
Global democracy
32.
Global governance includes which actors besides states?
a)
Only IOs
b)
NGOs, firms, and networks
c)
Only courts
d)
Only great powers
33.
Hurd emphasizes that global governance is:
a)
Hierarchical
b)
Uniform
c)
Fragmented and overlapping
d)
Fully centralized
34.
Which issue best illustrates the need for global governance?
a)
Local elections
b)
Climate change
c)
Border disputes
d)
National taxation
35.
Global governance arrangements are often criticized for:
a)
Excessive democracy
b)
Lack of accountability
c)
Too much enforcement
d)
Legal clarity
36.
Realist theory views IOs primarily as:
a)
Independent actors
b)
Tools of powerful states
c)
Normative communities
d)
Legal authorities
37.
Liberal institutionalism emphasizes IOs’ role in:
a)
Enforcing ideology
b)
Reducing transaction costs and uncertainty
c)
Eliminating power
d)
Promoting hierarchy
38.
Constructivism focuses on IOs as:
a)
Power brokers
b)
Rule enforcers
c)
Sites of norm creation and socialization
d)
Market regulators
39.
Marxist approaches tend to see IOs as:
a)
Neutral arbitrators
b)
Agents of global capitalism
c)
Norm entrepreneurs
d)
Sovereignty enhancers
40.
Hurd argues that no single theory can:
a)
Explain all IO behavior
b)
Explain compliance
c)
Explain enforcement
d)
Explain legitimacy
41.
IOs as *arenas* primarily function as:
a)
Enforcement agencies
b)
Sites for negotiation and contestation
c)
Sovereign entities
d)
Military coalitions
42.
IOs as *actors* can:
a)
Replace states
b)
Make autonomous decisions within delegated authority
c)
Use force independently
d)
Override treaties
43.
IOs as *resources* allow states to:
a)
Avoid law
b)
Legitimize policies and actions
c)
Escape accountability
d)
End cooperation
44.
Which example best illustrates IOs as resources?
a)
WTO dispute settlement
b)
UN Security Council authorization of force
c)
EU enlargement
d)
WHO health guidelines
45.
Viewing IOs in these three ways helps explain:
a)
Their neutrality
b)
Their complexity
c)
Their irrelevance
d)
Their decline
46.
Hurd concludes that IOs are best seen as:
a)
Weak institutions
b)
Determinants of state behavior
c)
Sites where power and law intersect
d)
Global governments
47.
IO effectiveness depends most on:
a)
Formal authority
b)
Military power
c)
Political support from states
d)
Legal sanctions
48.
IOs persist despite criticism because they:
a)
Cannot be abolished
b)
Serve important political and functional roles
c)
Are morally superior
d)
Replace diplomacy
49.
The study of IOs requires attention to:
a)
Law only
b)
Politics only
c)
Both law and politics
d)
Economics only
50.
Overall, Hurd’s central argument is that IOs matter because they:
a)
Eliminate anarchy
b)
Replace states
c)
Shape how power and authority are exercised internationally
d)
Guarantee peace
51.
Kelstrup defines think tanks most generally as organizations that:
a)
Produce academic research
b)
Claim autonomy and attempt to influence public policy
c)
Represent societal interests
d)
Advise governments formally
52.
According to Kelstrup, the main problem in think-tank studies is:
a)
Lack of funding data
b)
Excessive focus on the U.S.
c)
Absence of a shared conceptual framework
d)
Over-reliance on quantitative methods
53.
The “travelling problem” (Sartori) refers to:
a)
Cross-national diffusion of think tanks
b)
Conceptual stretching across contexts
c)
Elite circulation
d)
Policy transfer
54.
Kelstrup’s four perspectives on think tanks are generated by differing assumptions about:
a)
Ideology and funding
b)
Size and influence
c)
Autonomy and influence
d)
Media access and legitimacy
55.
Material autonomy primarily concerns a think tank’s:
a)
Intellectual orientation
b)
Staff background
c)
Funding sources
d)
Media presence
56.
Ideational autonomy refers to a think tank’s claim to:
a)
Represent voters
b)
Mobilize constituencies
c)
Intellectual independence
d)
Control policy outcomes
57.
Think tanks differ from interest groups mainly because they:
a)
Avoid advocacy
b)
Do not claim formal representation
c)
Are non-political
d)
Reject ideology
58.
Weaver’s “universities without students” are characterized by:
a)
Short policy briefs and lobbying
b)
Contract research for governments
c)
Book-length, academically oriented studies
d)
Electoral campaigning
59.
The primary tension within the “university without students” model is between:
a)
Ideology and funding
b)
Objectivity and policy relevance
c)
Public visibility and secrecy
d)
Autonomy and legitimacy
60.
Contract research organizations differ from other think tanks because they:
a)
Focus on advocacy
b)
Produce confidential reports for specific agencies
c)
Avoid government funding
d)
Prioritize public debate
61.
RAND is best classified as:
a)
An advocacy tank
b)
A party think tank
c)
A contract research organization
d)
A university-based think tank
62.
Advocacy think tanks primarily seek to influence policy by:
a)
Original academic research
b)
Electoral participation
c)
Rapid dissemination and ideological framing
d)
Judicial intervention
63.
According to Weaver, think tanks serve as sources of policy ideas by:
a)
Drafting legislation
b)
Popularizing ideas not immediately politically feasible
c)
Mobilizing voters
d)
Enforcing policy compliance
64.
Advocacy tanks compensate for weaker scholarship through:
a)
Legal authority
b)
Media access and policy timing
c)
Electoral legitimacy
d)
Academic peer review
65.
Meyers argues that Israeli think tanks have limited influence primarily because of:
a)
Weak academic standards
b)
Authoritarian politics
c)
Parliamentary political structure
d)
Excessive foreign funding
66.
In contrast to the U.S., Israeli political parties:
a)
Rely heavily on think tanks
b)
Are weak and fragmented
c)
Exercise strong discipline
d)
Encourage outside policy advice
67.
A key structural advantage of U.S. think tanks is:
a)
Centralized policymaking
b)
Federalism and multiple access points
c)
State funding
d)
Party-controlled research
68.
According to Meyers, Israeli think tanks struggle to gain influence because:
a)
Citizens distrust expertise
b)
Policymaking is centralized and insulated
c)
Media access is restricted
d)
Universities dominate policy advice
69.
One major difference between U.S. and Israeli think tanks is:
a)
Ideological diversity
b)
Tax incentives for donations
c)
Academic quality
d)
Media access
70.
Meyers notes that Israeli donors are less likely to fund think tanks because:
a)
Think tanks lack legitimacy
b)
The tax system provides few incentives
c)
Think tanks oppose the state
d)
Foreign donors dominate
71.
Abb argues that Chinese think tanks are best understood as:
a)
Independent civil-society actors
b)
Market-driven institutions
c)
State-embedded policy research organizations
d)
Party-opposition groups
72.
One reason Chinese think tanks have gained prominence is:
a)
Democratization
b)
Increased complexity of foreign policy
c)
Media liberalization
d)
Decline of universities
73.
Abb criticizes Western typologies because they:
a)
Overestimate ideology
b)
Ignore historical context
c)
Assume think tanks are part of civil society
d)
Underestimate funding
74.
Abb’s triangular model classifies think tanks according to their emphasis on:
a)
Funding, ideology, and size
b)
Academia, advisory work, and advocacy
c)
Party ties, autonomy, and legitimacy
d)
Domestic versus foreign policy
75.
Compared to U.S. think tanks, Chinese think tanks are more likely to:
a)
Challenge government policy publicly
b)
Operate independently of the state
c)
Be institutionally affiliated with ministries
d)
Rely on private philanthropy
76.
Across the readings, think tanks are best understood as:
a)
Neutral knowledge producers
b)
Lobby groups in disguise
c)
Hybrid institutions between knowledge and power
d)
Replacements for political parties
77.
Which political system is most conducive to think-tank influence?
a)
Centralized parliamentary systems
b)
Authoritarian systems
c)
Decentralized systems with multiple access points
d)
Military regimes
78.
The primary source of think-tank influence across cases is:
a)
Electoral legitimacy
b)
Control over funding
c)
Timing, access, and credibility
d)
Legal authority
79.
A common challenge facing think tanks is balancing:
a)
Autonomy and relevance
b)
Size and ideology
c)
Visibility and secrecy
d)
Research and teaching
80.
Overall, these readings suggest that think tanks matter most when they:
a)
Replace state institutions
b)
Provide coercive power
c)
Translate ideas into policy-relevant knowledge
d)
Represent public opinion
81.
According to Sammut, the primary role of think tanks in a democratic society is to:
a)
Lobby politicians behind closed doors
b)
Provide campaign funding to parties
c)
Engage in a public battle of ideas through research-based advocacy
d)
Replace universities as knowledge producers
82.
Why do many think tanks choose not to disclose their financial supporters, according to Sammut?
a)
To conceal illegal funding
b)
To avoid legal liability
c)
To prevent ad hominem attacks that distract from research quality
d)
To gain political influence
83.
Sammut criticizes opponents of think tanks primarily for relying on:
a)
Empirical evidence
b)
Institutional analysis
c)
Ad hominem and materialist arguments
d)
Normative political theory
84.
In Sammut’s view, think tanks are best understood as part of:
a)
Government bureaucracy
b)
Party politics
c)
Civil society
d)
Corporate lobbying networks
85.
What distinguishes think tanks from lobbyists, according to Sammut?
a)
Think tanks provide campaign donations
b)
Think tanks control voter blocs
c)
Think tanks rely on credibility rather than access or coercion
d)
Think tanks represent corporate interests directly
86.
Sammut argues that think tanks can influence policy only if:
a)
They have wealthy donors
b)
They align closely with governing parties
c)
Their ideas survive public and democratic scrutiny
d)
They gain media monopolies
87.
How does Sammut characterize think tank research?
a)
Pure ideology
b)
Journalistic commentary
c)
Applied scholarship using academic methods
d)
Confidential policy advice
88.
According to Sammut, the biggest misconception about think tanks is that they:
a)
Are ineffective
b)
Are purely academic institutions
c)
Operate as corporate shills or “money launderers”
d)
Avoid public debate
89.
Sammut argues that the strongest political asset a think tank can possess is:
a)
Funding
b)
Media access
c)
Credibility grounded in sound research
d)
Party affiliation
90.
In his conclusion, Sammut calls on critics of think tanks to:
a)
Demand stricter regulation
b)
Expose funding sources
c)
Engage ideas through evidence rather than personal attacks
d)
Eliminate ideological advocacy
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