There are several paths governments can take to price carbon, all leading to the same positive result. They begin to capture what are known as the external costs of carbon emissions and tie them to their sources through a price on carbon.

(1) A price on carbon helps shift the burden for the damage back to those who are responsible for it, and who can reduce it. (2) Instead of dictating who should reduce emissions where and how, a carbon price gives an economic signal and polluters decide for themselves whether to discontinue their polluting activity, reduce emissions, or continue polluting and pay for it. In this way, the overall environmental goal is achieved in the most flexible and least-cost way to society. The carbon price also stimulates clean technology and market innovation, fuelling new, low-carbon drivers of economic growth.

There are two main types of carbon pricing: emissions trading systems (ETS) and carbon taxes. 

An ETS – sometimes referred to as a cap-and-trade system – caps the total level of greenhouse gas emissions and allows those industries with low emissions to sell their extra allowances to larger emitters. By creating supply and demand for emissions allowances, an ETS establishes a market price for greenhouse gas emissions. The cap helps ensure that the required emission reductions will take place to keep the emitters (in aggregate) within their pre-allocated carbon budget.

A carbon tax directly sets a price on carbon by defining a tax rate on greenhouse gas emissions or – more commonly – on the carbon content of fossil fuels. It is different from an ETS in that the emission reduction outcome of a carbon tax is not predefined but the carbon price is.

Aside from helping to reach the environmental objectives in the cheapest way possible, carbon pricing also ... changes in the market and clean technology.

There are several paths governments can take to price carbon, all leading to the same positive result. They begin to capture what are known as the external costs of carbon emissions and tie them to their sources through a price on carbon.

(1) A price on carbon helps shift the burden for the damage back to those who are responsible for it, and who can reduce it. (2) Instead of dictating who should reduce emissions where and how, a carbon price gives an economic signal and polluters decide for themselves whether to discontinue their polluting activity, reduce emissions, or continue polluting and pay for it. In this way, the overall environmental goal is achieved in the most flexible and least-cost way to society. The carbon price also stimulates clean technology and market innovation, fuelling new, low-carbon drivers of economic growth.

There are two main types of carbon pricing: emissions trading systems (ETS) and carbon taxes. 

An ETS – sometimes referred to as a cap-and-trade system – caps the total level of greenhouse gas emissions and allows those industries with low emissions to sell their extra allowances to larger emitters. By creating supply and demand for emissions allowances, an ETS establishes a market price for greenhouse gas emissions. The cap helps ensure that the required emission reductions will take place to keep the emitters (in aggregate) within their pre-allocated carbon budget.

A carbon tax directly sets a price on carbon by defining a tax rate on greenhouse gas emissions or – more commonly – on the carbon content of fossil fuels. It is different from an ETS in that the emission reduction outcome of a carbon tax is not predefined but the carbon price is.

How does the author organize the passage?

There are several paths governments can take to price carbon, all leading to the same positive result. They begin to capture what are known as the external costs of carbon emissions and tie them to their sources through a price on carbon.

(1) A price on carbon helps shift the burden for the damage back to those who are responsible for it, and who can reduce it. (2) Instead of dictating who should reduce emissions where and how, a carbon price gives an economic signal and polluters decide for themselves whether to discontinue their polluting activity, reduce emissions, or continue polluting and pay for it. In this way, the overall environmental goal is achieved in the most flexible and least-cost way to society. The carbon price also stimulates clean technology and market innovation, fuelling new, low-carbon drivers of economic growth.

There are two main types of carbon pricing: emissions trading systems (ETS) and carbon taxes. 

An ETS – sometimes referred to as a cap-and-trade system – caps the total level of greenhouse gas emissions and allows those industries with low emissions to sell their extra allowances to larger emitters. By creating supply and demand for emissions allowances, an ETS establishes a market price for greenhouse gas emissions. The cap helps ensure that the required emission reductions will take place to keep the emitters (in aggregate) within their pre-allocated carbon budget.

A carbon tax directly sets a price on carbon by defining a tax rate on greenhouse gas emissions or – more commonly – on the carbon content of fossil fuels. It is different from an ETS in that the emission reduction outcome of a carbon tax is not predefined but the carbon price is.

According to the text, what is probably not among the effects of carbon pricing to the businesses?

There are several paths governments can take to price carbon, all leading to the same positive result. They begin to capture what are known as the external costs of carbon emissions and tie them to their sources through a price on carbon.

(1) A price on carbon helps shift the burden for the damage back to those who are responsible for it, and who can reduce it. (2) Instead of dictating who should reduce emissions where and how, a carbon price gives an economic signal and polluters decide for themselves whether to discontinue their polluting activity, reduce emissions, or continue polluting and pay for it. In this way, the overall environmental goal is achieved in the most flexible and least-cost way to society. The carbon price also stimulates clean technology and market innovation, fuelling new, low-carbon drivers of economic growth.

There are two main types of carbon pricing: emissions trading systems (ETS) and carbon taxes. 

An ETS – sometimes referred to as a cap-and-trade system – caps the total level of greenhouse gas emissions and allows those industries with low emissions to sell their extra allowances to larger emitters. By creating supply and demand for emissions allowances, an ETS establishes a market price for greenhouse gas emissions. The cap helps ensure that the required emission reductions will take place to keep the emitters (in aggregate) within their pre-allocated carbon budget.

A carbon tax directly sets a price on carbon by defining a tax rate on greenhouse gas emissions or – more commonly – on the carbon content of fossil fuels. It is different from an ETS in that the emission reduction outcome of a carbon tax is not predefined but the carbon price is.

If we were to add a final paragraph to the passage, what would it possibly be about?

There are several paths governments can take to price carbon, all leading to the same positive result. They begin to capture what are known as the external costs of carbon emissions and tie them to their sources through a price on carbon.

(1) A price on carbon helps shift the burden for the damage back to those who are responsible for it, and who can reduce it. (2) Instead of dictating who should reduce emissions where and how, a carbon price gives an economic signal and polluters decide for themselves whether to discontinue their polluting activity, reduce emissions, or continue polluting and pay for it. In this way, the overall environmental goal is achieved in the most flexible and least-cost way to society. The carbon price also stimulates clean technology and market innovation, fuelling new, low-carbon drivers of economic growth.

There are two main types of carbon pricing: emissions trading systems (ETS) and carbon taxes. 

An ETS – sometimes referred to as a cap-and-trade system – caps the total level of greenhouse gas emissions and allows those industries with low emissions to sell their extra allowances to larger emitters. By creating supply and demand for emissions allowances, an ETS establishes a market price for greenhouse gas emissions. The cap helps ensure that the required emission reductions will take place to keep the emitters (in aggregate) within their pre-allocated carbon budget.

A carbon tax directly sets a price on carbon by defining a tax rate on greenhouse gas emissions or – more commonly – on the carbon content of fossil fuels. It is different from an ETS in that the emission reduction outcome of a carbon tax is not predefined but the carbon price is.

What’s the most appropriate summary for the text above?

Even among higher-income families, the growth in income has favored those at the top. Since 1980, incomes have increased faster for the most affluent families – those in the top 5% – than for families in the income strata below them. This disparity in outcomes is less pronounced in the wake of the Great Recession but shows no signs of reversing.

 [1] From 1981 to 1990, the change in mean family income ranged from a loss of 0.1% annually for families in the lowest quintile to a gain of 2.1% annually for families in the highest quintile. [2] The top 5% of families, who are part of the highest quintile, fared even better – their income increased at the rate of 3.2% annually from 1981 to 1990. [3] The median wealth of middle-income families increased from 102,000 USD in 1983 to 144,600 USD in 2001, a gain of 42%. [4] Thus, the 1980s marked the beginning of a long and steady rise in income inequality.

A similar pattern prevailed in the 1990s, with even sharper growth in income at the top. From 1991 to 2000, the mean income of the top 5% of families grew at an annual average rate of 4.1%, compared with 2.7% for families in the highest quintile overall, and about 1% or barely more for other families.

The period from 2001 to 2010 is unique in the post-WWII era. Families in all strata experienced a loss in income in this decade, with those in the poorer strata experiencing more pronounced losses. The pattern in income growth from 2011 to 2018 is more balanced than the previous three decades, with gains more broadly shared across poorer and better-off families. Nonetheless, income growth remains tilted to the top, with families in the top 5% experiencing greater gains than other families since 2011.

In the 1980s, the top 5% gained … compared to …. Fill in the blanks!

Read the passage below and answer the following question: The period from 2001 to 2010 is unique in the post-WWII era. Families in all strata experienced a loss in income in this decade, with those in the poorer strata experiencing more pronounced losses. The pattern in income growth from 2011 to 2018 is more balanced than the previous three decades, with gains more broadly shared across poorer and better-off families. Nonetheless, income growth remains tilted to the top, with families in the top 5% experiencing greater gains than other families since 2011.

Which sentence in this paragraph is not coherent?

Even among higher-income families, the growth in income has favored those at the top. Since 1980, incomes have increased faster for the most affluent families – those in the top 5% – than for families in the income strata below them. This disparity in outcomes is less pronounced in the wake of the Great Recession but shows no signs of reversing.

 [1] From 1981 to 1990, the change in mean family income ranged from a loss of 0.1% annually for families in the lowest quintile to a gain of 2.1% annually for families in the highest quintile. [2] The top 5% of families, who are part of the highest quintile, fared even better – their income increased at the rate of 3.2% annually from 1981 to 1990. [3] The median wealth of middle-income families increased from 102,000 USD in 1983 to 144,600 USD in 2001, a gain of 42%. [4] Thus, the 1980s marked the beginning of a long and steady rise in income inequality.

A similar pattern prevailed in the 1990s, with even sharper growth in income at the top. From 1991 to 2000, the mean income of the top 5% of families grew at an annual average rate of 4.1%, compared with 2.7% for families in the highest quintile overall, and about 1% or barely more for other families.

The period from 2001 to 2010 is unique in the post-WWII era. Families in all strata experienced a loss in income in this decade, with those in the poorer strata experiencing more pronounced losses. The pattern in income growth from 2011 to 2018 is more balanced than the previous three decades, with gains more broadly shared across poorer and better-off families. Nonetheless, income growth remains tilted to the top, with families in the top 5% experiencing greater gains than other families since 2011.

How does the first decade of the 2000s differ from the 1960s according to the text?

Even among higher-income families, the growth in income has favored those at the top. Since 1980, incomes have increased faster for the most affluent families – those in the top 5% – than for families in the income strata below them. This disparity in outcomes is less pronounced in the wake of the Great Recession but shows no signs of reversing.

 [1] From 1981 to 1990, the change in mean family income ranged from a loss of 0.1% annually for families in the lowest quintile to a gain of 2.1% annually for families in the highest quintile. [2] The top 5% of families, who are part of the highest quintile, fared even better – their income increased at the rate of 3.2% annually from 1981 to 1990. [3] The median wealth of middle-income families increased from 102,000 USD in 1983 to 144,600 USD in 2001, a gain of 42%. [4] Thus, the 1980s marked the beginning of a long and steady rise in income inequality.

A similar pattern prevailed in the 1990s, with even sharper growth in income at the top. From 1991 to 2000, the mean income of the top 5% of families grew at an annual average rate of 4.1%, compared with 2.7% for families in the highest quintile overall, and about 1% or barely more for other families.

The period from 2001 to 2010 is unique in the post-WWII era. Families in all strata experienced a loss in income in this decade, with those in the poorer strata experiencing more pronounced losses. The pattern in income growth from 2011 to 2018 is more balanced than the previous three decades, with gains more broadly shared across poorer and better-off families. Nonetheless, income growth remains tilted to the top, with families in the top 5% experiencing greater gains than other families since 2011.

“In the 2010s, the gap in increase of income among stratas is more apparent than in the 1990s.” Is the statement above true? Which of the following arguments in the text can confirm it?

Even among higher-income families, the growth in income has favored those at the top. Since 1980, incomes have increased faster for the most affluent families – those in the top 5% – than for families in the income strata below them. This disparity in outcomes is less pronounced in the wake of the Great Recession but shows no signs of reversing.

 [1] From 1981 to 1990, the change in mean family income ranged from a loss of 0.1% annually for families in the lowest quintile to a gain of 2.1% annually for families in the highest quintile. [2] The top 5% of families, who are part of the highest quintile, fared even better – their income increased at the rate of 3.2% annually from 1981 to 1990. [3] The median wealth of middle-income families increased from 102,000 USD in 1983 to 144,600 USD in 2001, a gain of 42%. [4] Thus, the 1980s marked the beginning of a long and steady rise in income inequality.

A similar pattern prevailed in the 1990s, with even sharper growth in income at the top. From 1991 to 2000, the mean income of the top 5% of families grew at an annual average rate of 4.1%, compared with 2.7% for families in the highest quintile overall, and about 1% or barely more for other families.

The period from 2001 to 2010 is unique in the post-WWII era. Families in all strata experienced a loss in income in this decade, with those in the poorer strata experiencing more pronounced losses. The pattern in income growth from 2011 to 2018 is more balanced than the previous three decades, with gains more broadly shared across poorer and better-off families. Nonetheless, income growth remains tilted to the top, with families in the top 5% experiencing greater gains than other families since 2011.

From the text, what can we infer about the income growth in the US?

[1] There is a widening cultural chasm between Taiwan and mainland China, reflected in the popular attitude toward “independence.”

[2] In the past, when Taiwanese people felt more Chinese, there was greater affinity for reunification. When the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, KMT) fled to Taiwan in 1949, they brought the ROC government with them, and the promise to eventually retake the mainland. Although the KMT is no longer in power in Taiwan, many of their supporters still support unification with the mainland.

[3] But younger Taiwanese no longer identify in the same way as their older kin. Fierce defense of Taiwanese national identity can take on nasty undertones on social media. When speed skater Huang Yu-ting, an athlete representing Taiwan at the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics, posted a training video on Facebook wearing a Chinese national team suit, she received caustic blowback from Taiwanese online users. As a consequence, Taiwanese Sports Administration later cut Huang’s funding for two years in a further official condemnation of her attitude.

[4] However, for some, consistently questioning Taiwan’s future is a futile endeavor. These people noted that despite Taiwan’s democracy, the island’s political status has never been in the hands of the Taiwanese people. Some are even nonchalant about the recent uptick in Chinese military threats to the island, commenting that there is no use getting stressed about it as “nothing can really be done.”

How does the second paragraph support the thesis of the whole text?

[1] There is a widening cultural chasm between Taiwan and mainland China, reflected in the popular attitude toward “independence.”

[2] In the past, when Taiwanese people felt more Chinese, there was greater affinity for reunification. When the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, KMT) fled to Taiwan in 1949, they brought the ROC government with them, and the promise to eventually retake the mainland. Although the KMT is no longer in power in Taiwan, many of their supporters still support unification with the mainland.

[3] But younger Taiwanese no longer identify in the same way as their older kin. Fierce defense of Taiwanese national identity can take on nasty undertones on social media. When speed skater Huang Yu-ting, an athlete representing Taiwan at the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics, posted a training video on Facebook wearing a Chinese national team suit, she received caustic blowback from Taiwanese online users. As a consequence, Taiwanese Sports Administration later cut Huang’s funding for two years in a further official condemnation of her attitude.

[4] However, for some, consistently questioning Taiwan’s future is a futile endeavor. These people noted that despite Taiwan’s democracy, the island’s political status has never been in the hands of the Taiwanese people. Some are even nonchalant about the recent uptick in Chinese military threats to the island, commenting that there is no use getting stressed about it as “nothing can really be done.”

If Huang Yu-ting … the training video wearing the Chinese national team suit, she would still be funded now.

[1] There is a widening cultural chasm between Taiwan and mainland China, reflected in the popular attitude toward “independence.”

[2] In the past, when Taiwanese people felt more Chinese, there was greater affinity for reunification. When the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, KMT) fled to Taiwan in 1949, they brought the ROC government with them, and the promise to eventually retake the mainland. Although the KMT is no longer in power in Taiwan, many of their supporters still support unification with the mainland.

[3] But younger Taiwanese no longer identify in the same way as their older kin. Fierce defense of Taiwanese national identity can take on nasty undertones on social media. When speed skater Huang Yu-ting, an athlete representing Taiwan at the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics, posted a training video on Facebook wearing a Chinese national team suit, she received caustic blowback from Taiwanese online users. As a consequence, Taiwanese Sports Administration later cut Huang’s funding for two years in a further official condemnation of her attitude.

[4] However, for some, consistently questioning Taiwan’s future is a futile endeavor. These people noted that despite Taiwan’s democracy, the island’s political status has never been in the hands of the Taiwanese people. Some are even nonchalant about the recent uptick in Chinese military threats to the island, commenting that there is no use getting stressed about it as “nothing can really be done.”

Based on the passage, attitudes toward national identity and reunification have changed between older and younger generations in Taiwan. Which of the following best describes this change?

[1] There is a widening cultural chasm between Taiwan and mainland China, reflected in the popular attitude toward “independence.”

[2] In the past, when Taiwanese people felt more Chinese, there was greater affinity for reunification. When the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, KMT) fled to Taiwan in 1949, they brought the ROC government with them, and the promise to eventually retake the mainland. Although the KMT is no longer in power in Taiwan, many of their supporters still support unification with the mainland.

[3] But younger Taiwanese no longer identify in the same way as their older kin. Fierce defense of Taiwanese national identity can take on nasty undertones on social media. When speed skater Huang Yu-ting, an athlete representing Taiwan at the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics, posted a training video on Facebook wearing a Chinese national team suit, she received caustic blowback from Taiwanese online users. As a consequence, Taiwanese Sports Administration later cut Huang’s funding for two years in a further official condemnation of her attitude.

[4] However, for some, consistently questioning Taiwan’s future is a futile endeavor. These people noted that despite Taiwan’s democracy, the island’s political status has never been in the hands of the Taiwanese people. Some are even nonchalant about the recent uptick in Chinese military threats to the island, commenting that there is no use getting stressed about it as “nothing can really be done.”

How do most younger Taiwanese possibly feel about reunification with mainland China?

[1] There is a widening cultural chasm between Taiwan and mainland China, reflected in the popular attitude toward “independence.”

[2] In the past, when Taiwanese people felt more Chinese, there was greater affinity for reunification. When the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, KMT) fled to Taiwan in 1949, they brought the ROC government with them, and the promise to eventually retake the mainland. Although the KMT is no longer in power in Taiwan, many of their supporters still support unification with the mainland.

[3] But younger Taiwanese no longer identify in the same way as their older kin. Fierce defense of Taiwanese national identity can take on nasty undertones on social media. When speed skater Huang Yu-ting, an athlete representing Taiwan at the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics, posted a training video on Facebook wearing a Chinese national team suit, she received caustic blowback from Taiwanese online users. As a consequence, Taiwanese Sports Administration later cut Huang’s funding for two years in a further official condemnation of her attitude.

[4] However, for some, consistently questioning Taiwan’s future is a futile endeavor. These people noted that despite Taiwan’s democracy, the island’s political status has never been in the hands of the Taiwanese people. Some are even nonchalant about the recent uptick in Chinese military threats to the island, commenting that there is no use getting stressed about it as “nothing can really be done.”

What is the author trying to convey through paragraph 4?

[1] There is a widening cultural chasm between Taiwan and mainland China, reflected in the popular attitude toward “independence.”

[2] In the past, when Taiwanese people felt more Chinese, there was greater affinity for reunification. When the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, KMT) fled to Taiwan in 1949, they brought the ROC government with them, and the promise to eventually retake the mainland. Although the KMT is no longer in power in Taiwan, many of their supporters still support unification with the mainland.

[3] But younger Taiwanese no longer identify in the same way as their older kin. Fierce defense of Taiwanese national identity can take on nasty undertones on social media. When speed skater Huang Yu-ting, an athlete representing Taiwan at the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics, posted a training video on Facebook wearing a Chinese national team suit, she received caustic blowback from Taiwanese online users. As a consequence, Taiwanese Sports Administration later cut Huang’s funding for two years in a further official condemnation of her attitude.

[4] However, for some, consistently questioning Taiwan’s future is a futile endeavor. These people noted that despite Taiwan’s democracy, the island’s political status has never been in the hands of the Taiwanese people. Some are even nonchalant about the recent uptick in Chinese military threats to the island, commenting that there is no use getting stressed about it as “nothing can really be done.”

Some are even nonchalant about the recent uptick in Chinese military threats to the island, commenting that there is no use getting stressed about it as "nothing can really be done." The pronoun 'it' in the last sentence of the text refers to ....

[1] There is a widening cultural chasm between Taiwan and mainland China, reflected in the popular attitude toward “independence.”

[2] In the past, when Taiwanese people felt more Chinese, there was greater affinity for reunification. When the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, KMT) fled to Taiwan in 1949, they brought the ROC government with them, and the promise to eventually retake the mainland. Although the KMT is no longer in power in Taiwan, many of their supporters still support unification with the mainland.

[3] But younger Taiwanese no longer identify in the same way as their older kin. Fierce defense of Taiwanese national identity can take on nasty undertones on social media. When speed skater Huang Yu-ting, an athlete representing Taiwan at the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics, posted a training video on Facebook wearing a Chinese national team suit, she received caustic blowback from Taiwanese online users. As a consequence, Taiwanese Sports Administration later cut Huang’s funding for two years in a further official condemnation of her attitude.

[4] However, for some, consistently questioning Taiwan’s future is a futile endeavor. These people noted that despite Taiwan’s democracy, the island’s political status has never been in the hands of the Taiwanese people. Some are even nonchalant about the recent uptick in Chinese military threats to the island, commenting that there is no use getting stressed about it as “nothing can really be done.”

Which event led to the ROC government being brought to Taiwan?

What statement can we conclude as true according to the passage?

[1] The definition of what makes a civilization is vague, but generally, a culture has to achieve several hallmarks, notably urbanism — that is, cities — irrigation and writing; and the Sumerians had all three. After about 2000 B.C., the Sumerian civilization led directly to the Babylonian civilization in Mesopotamia, which is credited with discovering mathematical truths such as trigonometry and prime, square, and cube numbers — concepts further developed by the ancient Greeks more than 1,000 years later. 

[2] Some scholars argue that other civilizations may be as old or even older than that of the Sumerians. An excavation of archeological sites in Egypt has now discovered writings just as early as the earliest writings from Sumer, which suggests the oldest phase of the ancient Egyptian civilization emerged at roughly the same time as the earliest phase of the Sumerian civilization: about 4000 B.C.

[3] Still another possibility is the Indus Valley civilization, which arose in parts of what is now Afghanistan, Pakistan, and northwestern India, and dates from at least 3300 B.C., according to the earliest artifacts found there. But "we might find very early stuff in the Indus Valley," said Philip Jones, the associate curator and keeper of collections at the Babylonian section of Philadelphia's Penn Museum. "It wouldn't surprise me if we dug up something that was just as early."

[4] Jones suspects that early trade along the edges of the Indian Ocean helped these earliest civilizations — the Egyptian beside the Red Sea, the Sumerian at the north end of the Persian Gulf, and the Indus Valley civilization further east — develop from the pre-civilized people who lived there before them, by bringing them resources and ideas from further afield.

[5] "My gut feeling is that there was probably some trade networking going on the Indian Ocean," he said.

The author includes information about Babylonian civilization (paragraph 1) to ....

[1] The definition of what makes a civilization is vague, but generally, a culture has to achieve several hallmarks, notably urbanism — that is, cities — irrigation and writing; and the Sumerians had all three. After about 2000 B.C., the Sumerian civilization led directly to the Babylonian civilization in Mesopotamia, which is credited with discovering mathematical truths such as trigonometry and prime, square, and cube numbers — concepts further developed by the ancient Greeks more than 1,000 years later. 

[2] Some scholars argue that other civilizations may be as old or even older than that of the Sumerians. An excavation of archeological sites in Egypt has now discovered writings just as early as the earliest writings from Sumer, which suggests the oldest phase of the ancient Egyptian civilization emerged at roughly the same time as the earliest phase of the Sumerian civilization: about 4000 B.C.

[3] Still another possibility is the Indus Valley civilization, which arose in parts of what is now Afghanistan, Pakistan, and northwestern India, and dates from at least 3300 B.C., according to the earliest artifacts found there. But "we might find very early stuff in the Indus Valley," said Philip Jones, the associate curator and keeper of collections at the Babylonian section of Philadelphia's Penn Museum. "It wouldn't surprise me if we dug up something that was just as early."

[4] Jones suspects that early trade along the edges of the Indian Ocean helped these earliest civilizations — the Egyptian beside the Red Sea, the Sumerian at the north end of the Persian Gulf, and the Indus Valley civilization further east — develop from the pre-civilized people who lived there before them, by bringing them resources and ideas from further afield.

[5] "My gut feeling is that there was probably some trade networking going on the Indian Ocean," he said.

What conclusion can be drawn from the writings discovered in the ancient Egyptian civilization?

[1] The definition of what makes a civilization is vague, but generally, a culture has to achieve several hallmarks, notably urbanism — that is, cities — irrigation and writing; and the Sumerians had all three. After about 2000 B.C., the Sumerian civilization led directly to the Babylonian civilization in Mesopotamia, which is credited with discovering mathematical truths such as trigonometry and prime, square, and cube numbers — concepts further developed by the ancient Greeks more than 1,000 years later. 

[2] Some scholars argue that other civilizations may be as old or even older than that of the Sumerians. An excavation of archeological sites in Egypt has now discovered writings just as early as the earliest writings from Sumer, which suggests the oldest phase of the ancient Egyptian civilization emerged at roughly the same time as the earliest phase of the Sumerian civilization: about 4000 B.C.

[3] Still another possibility is the Indus Valley civilization, which arose in parts of what is now Afghanistan, Pakistan, and northwestern India, and dates from at least 3300 B.C., according to the earliest artifacts found there. But "we might find very early stuff in the Indus Valley," said Philip Jones, the associate curator and keeper of collections at the Babylonian section of Philadelphia's Penn Museum. "It wouldn't surprise me if we dug up something that was just as early."

[4] Jones suspects that early trade along the edges of the Indian Ocean helped these earliest civilizations — the Egyptian beside the Red Sea, the Sumerian at the north end of the Persian Gulf, and the Indus Valley civilization further east — develop from the pre-civilized people who lived there before them, by bringing them resources and ideas from further afield.

[5] "My gut feeling is that there was probably some trade networking going on the Indian Ocean," he said.

According to Philip Jones’ impression, what was the significance of the early trade around the edges of the Indian Ocean?

The definition of what makes a civilization is vague, but generally, a culture has to achieve several hallmarks, notably urbanism — that is, cities — irrigation and writing; and the Sumerians had all three. After about 2000 B.C., the Sumerian civilization led directly to the Babylonian civilization in Mesopotamia, which is credited with discovering mathematical truths such as trigonometry and prime, square, and cube numbers — concepts further developed by the ancient Greeks more than 1,000 years later. 

[2] Some scholars argue that other civilizations may be as old or even older than that of the Sumerians. An excavation of archeological sites in Egypt has now discovered writings just as early as the earliest writings from Sumer, which suggests the oldest phase of the ancient Egyptian civilization emerged at roughly the same time as the earliest phase of the Sumerian civilization: about 4000 B.C.

[3] Still another possibility is the Indus Valley civilization, which arose in parts of what is now Afghanistan, Pakistan, and northwestern India, and dates from at least 3300 B.C., according to the earliest artifacts found there. But "we might find very early stuff in the Indus Valley," said Philip Jones, the associate curator and keeper of collections at the Babylonian section of Philadelphia's Penn Museum. "It wouldn't surprise me if we dug up something that was just as early."

[4] Jones suspects that early trade along the edges of the Indian Ocean helped these earliest civilizations — the Egyptian beside the Red Sea, the Sumerian at the north end of the Persian Gulf, and the Indus Valley civilization further east — develop from the pre-civilized people who lived there before them, by bringing them resources and ideas from further afield.

[5] "My gut feeling is that there was probably some trade networking going on the Indian Ocean," he said.

What can we infer from the assertion that the Indus Valley civilization might be just as old as the Sumerian civilization?

The definition of what makes a civilization is vague, but generally, a culture has to achieve several hallmarks, notably urbanism — that is, cities — irrigation and writing; and the Sumerians had all three. After about 2000 B.C., the Sumerian civilization led directly to the Babylonian civilization in Mesopotamia, which is credited with discovering mathematical truths such as trigonometry and prime, square, and cube numbers — concepts further developed by the ancient Greeks more than 1,000 years later. 

[2] Some scholars argue that other civilizations may be as old or even older than that of the Sumerians. An excavation of archeological sites in Egypt has now discovered writings just as early as the earliest writings from Sumer, which suggests the oldest phase of the ancient Egyptian civilization emerged at roughly the same time as the earliest phase of the Sumerian civilization: about 4000 B.C.

[3] Still another possibility is the Indus Valley civilization, which arose in parts of what is now Afghanistan, Pakistan, and northwestern India, and dates from at least 3300 B.C., according to the earliest artifacts found there. But "we might find very early stuff in the Indus Valley," said Philip Jones, the associate curator and keeper of collections at the Babylonian section of Philadelphia's Penn Museum. "It wouldn't surprise me if we dug up something that was just as early."

[4] Jones suspects that early trade along the edges of the Indian Ocean helped these earliest civilizations — the Egyptian beside the Red Sea, the Sumerian at the north end of the Persian Gulf, and the Indus Valley civilization further east — develop from the pre-civilized people who lived there before them, by bringing them resources and ideas from further afield.

[5] "My gut feeling is that there was probably some trade networking going on the Indian Ocean," he said.

In context, the phrase “further afield” suggests the resources and the ideas mentioned in paragraph 4 ...

The definition of what makes a civilization is vague, but generally, a culture has to achieve several hallmarks, notably urbanism — that is, cities — irrigation and writing; and the Sumerians had all three. After about 2000 B.C., the Sumerian civilization led directly to the Babylonian civilization in Mesopotamia, which is credited with discovering mathematical truths such as trigonometry and prime, square, and cube numbers — concepts further developed by the ancient Greeks more than 1,000 years later. 

[2] Some scholars argue that other civilizations may be as old or even older than that of the Sumerians. An excavation of archeological sites in Egypt has now discovered writings just as early as the earliest writings from Sumer, which suggests the oldest phase of the ancient Egyptian civilization emerged at roughly the same time as the earliest phase of the Sumerian civilization: about 4000 B.C.

[3] Still another possibility is the Indus Valley civilization, which arose in parts of what is now Afghanistan, Pakistan, and northwestern India, and dates from at least 3300 B.C., according to the earliest artifacts found there. But "we might find very early stuff in the Indus Valley," said Philip Jones, the associate curator and keeper of collections at the Babylonian section of Philadelphia's Penn Museum. "It wouldn't surprise me if we dug up something that was just as early."

[4] Jones suspects that early trade along the edges of the Indian Ocean helped these earliest civilizations — the Egyptian beside the Red Sea, the Sumerian at the north end of the Persian Gulf, and the Indus Valley civilization further east — develop from the pre-civilized people who lived there before them, by bringing them resources and ideas from further afield.

[5] "My gut feeling is that there was probably some trade networking going on the Indian Ocean," he said.

What is the significance of the information described in paragraph 2?

The definition of what makes a civilization is vague, but generally, a culture has to achieve several hallmarks, notably urbanism — that is, cities — irrigation and writing; and the Sumerians had all three. After about 2000 B.C., the Sumerian civilization led directly to the Babylonian civilization in Mesopotamia, which is credited with discovering mathematical truths such as trigonometry and prime, square, and cube numbers — concepts further developed by the ancient Greeks more than 1,000 years later. 

[2] Some scholars argue that other civilizations may be as old or even older than that of the Sumerians. An excavation of archeological sites in Egypt has now discovered writings just as early as the earliest writings from Sumer, which suggests the oldest phase of the ancient Egyptian civilization emerged at roughly the same time as the earliest phase of the Sumerian civilization: about 4000 B.C.

[3] Still another possibility is the Indus Valley civilization, which arose in parts of what is now Afghanistan, Pakistan, and northwestern India, and dates from at least 3300 B.C., according to the earliest artifacts found there. But "we might find very early stuff in the Indus Valley," said Philip Jones, the associate curator and keeper of collections at the Babylonian section of Philadelphia's Penn Museum. "It wouldn't surprise me if we dug up something that was just as early."

[4] Jones suspects that early trade along the edges of the Indian Ocean helped these earliest civilizations — the Egyptian beside the Red Sea, the Sumerian at the north end of the Persian Gulf, and the Indus Valley civilization further east — develop from the pre-civilized people who lived there before them, by bringing them resources and ideas from further afield.

[5] "My gut feeling is that there was probably some trade networking going on the Indian Ocean," he said.

The word “vague” in line 1 could be best replaced by ….

Vincent Van Gogh was obsessed with the pigments in his paints, and he knew as much or more about their composition and vulnerability as many of his contemporaries. So it is a tragic irony that many of the bright red and yellow pigments van Gogh used on his masterpieces are fading or changing color with time.

[2] Pigment breakdown is, of course, not just a problem with van Gogh’s oeuvre: He used many of the same pigments as other late-19th-century Northern European artists such as Pierre-Auguste Renoir or James Ensor. “You can safely say that many works from that period have probably been affected in some way by similar pigment issues,” says Ella Hendriks, senior conservator at the Van Gogh Museum, in Amsterdam.

[3] Yet the artwork of van Gogh has become a lens through which scientists study pigment degradation. He was a prolific painter—in the 10 years he was active as an artist, van Gogh produced nearly 1,000 paintings.

[4] As a result, van Gogh’s canvases have led to multiple discoveries about the breakdown of fragile—or what conservators call “fugitive”—pigments. What follows is a series of vignettes about how analysis of his paintings has helped illuminate chemical degradation pathways in age-old pigments and how this research informs display and conservation practices for van Gogh’s inimitable masterpieces and other artworks of his time.

What is the relation between paragraph 3 and paragraph 4?

Vincent Van Gogh was obsessed with the pigments in his paints, and he knew as much or more about their composition and vulnerability as many of his contemporaries. So it is a tragic irony that many of the bright red and yellow pigments van Gogh used on his masterpieces are fading or changing color with time.

[2] Pigment breakdown is, of course, not just a problem with van Gogh’s oeuvre: He used many of the same pigments as other late-19th-century Northern European artists such as Pierre-Auguste Renoir or James Ensor. “You can safely say that many works from that period have probably been affected in some way by similar pigment issues,” says Ella Hendriks, senior conservator at the Van Gogh Museum, in Amsterdam.

[3] Yet the artwork of van Gogh has become a lens through which scientists study pigment degradation. He was a prolific painter—in the 10 years he was active as an artist, van Gogh produced nearly 1,000 paintings.

[4] As a result, van Gogh’s canvases have led to multiple discoveries about the breakdown of fragile—or what conservators call “fugitive”—pigments. What follows is a series of vignettes about how analysis of his paintings has helped illuminate chemical degradation pathways in age-old pigments and how this research informs display and conservation practices for van Gogh’s inimitable masterpieces and other artworks of his time.

According to the passage, the apprehension of pigment breakdown ….

Vincent Van Gogh was obsessed with the pigments in his paints, and he knew as much or more about their composition and vulnerability as many of his contemporaries. So it is a tragic irony that many of the bright red and yellow pigments van Gogh used on his masterpieces are fading or changing color with time.

[2] Pigment breakdown is, of course, not just a problem with van Gogh’s oeuvre: He used many of the same pigments as other late-19th-century Northern European artists such as Pierre-Auguste Renoir or James Ensor. “You can safely say that many works from that period have probably been affected in some way by similar pigment issues,” says Ella Hendriks, senior conservator at the Van Gogh Museum, in Amsterdam.

[3] Yet the artwork of van Gogh has become a lens through which scientists study pigment degradation. He was a prolific painter—in the 10 years he was active as an artist, van Gogh produced nearly 1,000 paintings.

[4] As a result, van Gogh’s canvases have led to multiple discoveries about the breakdown of fragile—or what conservators call “fugitive”—pigments. What follows is a series of vignettes about how analysis of his paintings has helped illuminate chemical degradation pathways in age-old pigments and how this research informs display and conservation practices for van Gogh’s inimitable masterpieces and other artworks of his time.

Which of the following phrases can best express the topic of the passage?

Vincent Van Gogh was obsessed with the pigments in his paints, and he knew as much or more about their composition and vulnerability as many of his contemporaries. So it is a tragic irony that many of the bright red and yellow pigments van Gogh used on his masterpieces are fading or changing color with time.

[2] Pigment breakdown is, of course, not just a problem with van Gogh’s oeuvre: He used many of the same pigments as other late-19th-century Northern European artists such as Pierre-Auguste Renoir or James Ensor. “You can safely say that many works from that period have probably been affected in some way by similar pigment issues,” says Ella Hendriks, senior conservator at the Van Gogh Museum, in Amsterdam.

[3] Yet the artwork of van Gogh has become a lens through which scientists study pigment degradation. He was a prolific painter—in the 10 years he was active as an artist, van Gogh produced nearly 1,000 paintings.

[4] As a result, van Gogh’s canvases have led to multiple discoveries about the breakdown of fragile—or what conservators call “fugitive”—pigments. What follows is a series of vignettes about how analysis of his paintings has helped illuminate chemical degradation pathways in age-old pigments and how this research informs display and conservation practices for van Gogh’s inimitable masterpieces and other artworks of his time.

What comparison can we find in sentence 1 in paragraph 1?

Vincent Van Gogh was obsessed with the pigments in his paints, and he knew as much or more about their composition and vulnerability as many of his contemporaries. So it is a tragic irony that many of the bright red and yellow pigments van Gogh used on his masterpieces are fading or changing color with time.

[2] Pigment breakdown is, of course, not just a problem with van Gogh’s oeuvre: He used many of the same pigments as other late-19th-century Northern European artists such as Pierre-Auguste Renoir or James Ensor. “You can safely say that many works from that period have probably been affected in some way by similar pigment issues,” says Ella Hendriks, senior conservator at the Van Gogh Museum, in Amsterdam.

[3] Yet the artwork of van Gogh has become a lens through which scientists study pigment degradation. He was a prolific painter—in the 10 years he was active as an artist, van Gogh produced nearly 1,000 paintings.

[4] As a result, van Gogh’s canvases have led to multiple discoveries about the breakdown of fragile—or what conservators call “fugitive”—pigments. What follows is a series of vignettes about how analysis of his paintings has helped illuminate chemical degradation pathways in age-old pigments and how this research informs display and conservation practices for van Gogh’s inimitable masterpieces and other artworks of his time.

The last clause in paragraph 3 elaborates on the word ….

Volcanic eruptions can be bad for more than the unlucky people living in their shadows—in 1816, ash from the eruption of Mount Tambora in Indonesia blotted out the sun and led to a "year without a summer" as far away as Vermont. But that eruption—and pretty much any others—pale in comparison to Toba, a volcano that erupted on Sumatra in Indonesia 74,000 years ago. New studies reveal that Toba's impact might have been exaggerated.   

Toba was no ordinary eruption. It spewed thousands of tons of ash into the atmosphere, enough to create a decade-long volcanic winter, leading to massive die-offs of vegetation and the end of some species. That was followed by up to one thousand years of cooler than normal temperatures. The event was so extreme that some researchers believe that it reduced the global human population to just a few thousand survivors, a hypothesis called the “Toba catastrophe theory."

But according to a study published in the Journal of Human Evolution, none of that may be true. Researchers re-examined sediment cores drilled from Lake Malawi in East Africa. Previous studies had identified crystals and glass from the Toba eruption in those cores. Looking at microscopic bits of plant matter preserved in the cores, they found that there was no cooling or massive die-off. It seems the massive explosion did not impact east Africa at all, except for alpine areas.

What researchers found is that Toba did not interrupt the human occupation at the sites, and in fact, during the immediate aftermath of the catastrophe, human occupation intensified.

What is the significance of the information concerning Mount Tambora?

Volcanic eruptions can be bad for more than the unlucky people living in their shadows—in 1816, ash from the eruption of Mount Tambora in Indonesia blotted out the sun and led to a "year without a summer" as far away as Vermont. But that eruption—and pretty much any others—pale in comparison to Toba, a volcano that erupted on Sumatra in Indonesia 74,000 years ago. New studies reveal that Toba's impact might have been exaggerated.   

Toba was no ordinary eruption. It spewed thousands of tons of ash into the atmosphere, enough to create a decade-long volcanic winter, leading to massive die-offs of vegetation and the end of some species. That was followed by up to one thousand years of cooler than normal temperatures. The event was so extreme that some researchers believe that it reduced the global human population to just a few thousand survivors, a hypothesis called the “Toba catastrophe theory."

But according to a study published in the Journal of Human Evolution, none of that may be true. Researchers re-examined sediment cores drilled from Lake Malawi in East Africa. Previous studies had identified crystals and glass from the Toba eruption in those cores. Looking at microscopic bits of plant matter preserved in the cores, they found that there was no cooling or massive die-off. It seems the massive explosion did not impact east Africa at all, except for alpine areas.

What researchers found is that Toba did not interrupt the human occupation at the sites, and in fact, during the immediate aftermath of the catastrophe, human occupation intensified.

Which information is used in the text to support the idea that humans and vegetation survived the volcano’s aftermath?

Volcanic eruptions can be bad for more than the unlucky people living in their shadows—in 1816, ash from the eruption of Mount Tambora in Indonesia blotted out the sun and led to a "year without a summer" as far away as Vermont. But that eruption—and pretty much any others—pale in comparison to Toba, a volcano that erupted on Sumatra in Indonesia 74,000 years ago. New studies reveal that Toba's impact might have been exaggerated.   

Toba was no ordinary eruption. It spewed thousands of tons of ash into the atmosphere, enough to create a decade-long volcanic winter, leading to massive die-offs of vegetation and the end of some species. That was followed by up to one thousand years of cooler than normal temperatures. The event was so extreme that some researchers believe that it reduced the global human population to just a few thousand survivors, a hypothesis called the “Toba catastrophe theory."

But according to a study published in the Journal of Human Evolution, none of that may be true. Researchers re-examined sediment cores drilled from Lake Malawi in East Africa. Previous studies had identified crystals and glass from the Toba eruption in those cores. Looking at microscopic bits of plant matter preserved in the cores, they found that there was no cooling or massive die-off. It seems the massive explosion did not impact east Africa at all, except for alpine areas.

What researchers found is that Toba did not interrupt the human occupation at the sites, and in fact, during the immediate aftermath of the catastrophe, human occupation intensified.

The expression “a year without a summer” refers to the impact of ….

Volcanic eruptions can be bad for more than the unlucky people living in their shadows—in 1816, ash from the eruption of Mount Tambora in Indonesia blotted out the sun and led to a "year without a summer" as far away as Vermont. But that eruption—and pretty much any others—pale in comparison to Toba, a volcano that erupted on Sumatra in Indonesia 74,000 years ago. New studies reveal that Toba's impact might have been exaggerated.   

Toba was no ordinary eruption. It spewed thousands of tons of ash into the atmosphere, enough to create a decade-long volcanic winter, leading to massive die-offs of vegetation and the end of some species. That was followed by up to one thousand years of cooler than normal temperatures. The event was so extreme that some researchers believe that it reduced the global human population to just a few thousand survivors, a hypothesis called the “Toba catastrophe theory."

But according to a study published in the Journal of Human Evolution, none of that may be true. Researchers re-examined sediment cores drilled from Lake Malawi in East Africa. Previous studies had identified crystals and glass from the Toba eruption in those cores. Looking at microscopic bits of plant matter preserved in the cores, they found that there was no cooling or massive die-off. It seems the massive explosion did not impact east Africa at all, except for alpine areas.

What researchers found is that Toba did not interrupt the human occupation at the sites, and in fact, during the immediate aftermath of the catastrophe, human occupation intensified.

“Volcanic eruptions can be bad for more than the unlucky people living in their shadows—” The expression “in their shadows” can be replaced by ….

Volcanic eruptions can be bad for more than the unlucky people living in their shadows—in 1816, ash from the eruption of Mount Tambora in Indonesia blotted out the sun and led to a "year without a summer" as far away as Vermont. But that eruption—and pretty much any others—pale in comparison to Toba, a volcano that erupted on Sumatra in Indonesia 74,000 years ago. New studies reveal that Toba's impact might have been exaggerated.   

Toba was no ordinary eruption. It spewed thousands of tons of ash into the atmosphere, enough to create a decade-long volcanic winter, leading to massive die-offs of vegetation and the end of some species. That was followed by up to one thousand years of cooler than normal temperatures. The event was so extreme that some researchers believe that it reduced the global human population to just a few thousand survivors, a hypothesis called the “Toba catastrophe theory."

But according to a study published in the Journal of Human Evolution, none of that may be true. Researchers re-examined sediment cores drilled from Lake Malawi in East Africa. Previous studies had identified crystals and glass from the Toba eruption in those cores. Looking at microscopic bits of plant matter preserved in the cores, they found that there was no cooling or massive die-off. It seems the massive explosion did not impact east Africa at all, except for alpine areas.

What researchers found is that Toba did not interrupt the human occupation at the sites, and in fact, during the immediate aftermath of the catastrophe, human occupation intensified.

If the researchers ... re-examined sediment cores drilled from Lake Malawi in East Africa, they ... have found that there was no cooling or massive die-off. Fill in the blanks!

Volcanic eruptions can be bad for more than the unlucky people living in their shadows—in 1816, ash from the eruption of Mount Tambora in Indonesia blotted out the sun and led to a "year without a summer" as far away as Vermont. But that eruption—and pretty much any others—pale in comparison to Toba, a volcano that erupted on Sumatra in Indonesia 74,000 years ago. New studies reveal that Toba's impact might have been exaggerated.   

Toba was no ordinary eruption. It spewed thousands of tons of ash into the atmosphere, enough to create a decade-long volcanic winter, leading to massive die-offs of vegetation and the end of some species. That was followed by up to one thousand years of cooler than normal temperatures. The event was so extreme that some researchers believe that it reduced the global human population to just a few thousand survivors, a hypothesis called the “Toba catastrophe theory."

But according to a study published in the Journal of Human Evolution, none of that may be true. Researchers re-examined sediment cores drilled from Lake Malawi in East Africa. Previous studies had identified crystals and glass from the Toba eruption in those cores. Looking at microscopic bits of plant matter preserved in the cores, they found that there was no cooling or massive die-off. It seems the massive explosion did not impact east Africa at all, except for alpine areas.

What researchers found is that Toba did not interrupt the human occupation at the sites, and in fact, during the immediate aftermath of the catastrophe, human occupation intensified.

Based on the passage, what can we infer from the information about the Toba eruption?

      “Volcanic eruptions can be bad for more than the unlucky people living in their shadows…”

The word "can" in the sentence above is used to express ....

Nearly half of the planet’s bird species are in decline, according to a definitive report that paints the grimmest picture yet of the destruction of avian life. The State of the World’s Birds report, which is released every four years by BirdLife International, shows that the expansion and intensification of agriculture is putting pressure on 73% of species. Logging, invasive species, exploitation of natural resources and climate breakdown are the other main threats.

Globally, 49% of bird species are declining, one in eight are threatened with extinction and at least 187 species are confirmed or suspected to have gone extinct since 1500. Most of these have been endemic species living on islands, although there is an increase in birds now going extinct on larger land masses, particularly in tropical regions. In Ethiopia, for example, the conversion of grassland to farmland has caused an 80% decrease in endemic Liben larks since 2007. Just 6% of bird species globally are increasing.

Dr Stuart But chart, chief scientist at Bird Life International, said: “We have to stop these declines and start getting on track for recovery. Our future, as well as the world’s birds, depends on it. If we continue to unravel the fabric of life, we’re going to continue to place our own future at threat.” 

The report is made up of a compendium of other studies, and because birds are the best-studied group on the planet, it gives an idea of the state of nature more generally. The previous State of the World’s Birds report, released in 2018, found 40% of bird species worldwide in decline. Wildfires feature more prominently in this report than previous editions, having increased and ravaged previously unaffected habitats. The succession of heat waves, droughts and floods in recent years will lead to widespread species extinctions if they continue, researchers warn, highlighting the importance of addressing the nature and climate crises at the same time.

In the second paragraph, the author brings up an endemic species in Ethiopia as an example of ....

Nearly half of the planet’s bird species are in decline, according to a definitive report that paints the grimmest picture yet of the destruction of avian life. The State of the World’s Birds report, which is released every four years by BirdLife International, shows that the expansion and intensification of agriculture is putting pressure on 73% of species. Logging, invasive species, exploitation of natural resources and climate breakdown are the other main threats.

Globally, 49% of bird species are declining, one in eight are threatened with extinction and at least 187 species are confirmed or suspected to have gone extinct since 1500. Most of these have been endemic species living on islands, although there is an increase in birds now going extinct on larger land masses, particularly in tropical regions. In Ethiopia, for example, the conversion of grassland to farmland has caused an 80% decrease in endemic Liben larks since 2007. Just 6% of bird species globally are increasing.

Dr Stuart But chart, chief scientist at Bird Life International, said: “We have to stop these declines and start getting on track for recovery. Our future, as well as the world’s birds, depends on it. If we continue to unravel the fabric of life, we’re going to continue to place our own future at threat.” 

The report is made up of a compendium of other studies, and because birds are the best-studied group on the planet, it gives an idea of the state of nature more generally. The previous State of the World’s Birds report, released in 2018, found 40% of bird species worldwide in decline. Wildfires feature more prominently in this report than previous editions, having increased and ravaged previously unaffected habitats. The succession of heat waves, droughts and floods in recent years will lead to widespread species extinctions if they continue, researchers warn, highlighting the importance of addressing the nature and climate crises at the same time.

It is reasonable to infer that the fate of bird populations is dependent on ....

Nearly half of the planet’s bird species are in decline, according to a definitive report that paints the grimmest picture yet of the destruction of avian life. The State of the World’s Birds report, which is released every four years by BirdLife International, shows that the expansion and intensification of agriculture is putting pressure on 73% of species. Logging, invasive species, exploitation of natural resources and climate breakdown are the other main threats.

Globally, 49% of bird species are declining, one in eight are threatened with extinction and at least 187 species are confirmed or suspected to have gone extinct since 1500. Most of these have been endemic species living on islands, although there is an increase in birds now going extinct on larger land masses, particularly in tropical regions. In Ethiopia, for example, the conversion of grassland to farmland has caused an 80% decrease in endemic Liben larks since 2007. Just 6% of bird species globally are increasing.

Dr Stuart But chart, chief scientist at Bird Life International, said: “We have to stop these declines and start getting on track for recovery. Our future, as well as the world’s birds, depends on it. If we continue to unravel the fabric of life, we’re going to continue to place our own future at threat.” 

The report is made up of a compendium of other studies, and because birds are the best-studied group on the planet, it gives an idea of the state of nature more generally. The previous State of the World’s Birds report, released in 2018, found 40% of bird species worldwide in decline. Wildfires feature more prominently in this report than previous editions, having increased and ravaged previously unaffected habitats. The succession of heat waves, droughts and floods in recent years will lead to widespread species extinctions if they continue, researchers warn, highlighting the importance of addressing the nature and climate crises at the same time.

According to the passage, which of the following is true about bird population?

Nearly half of the planet’s bird species are in decline, according to a definitive report that paints the grimmest picture yet of the destruction of avian life. The State of the World’s Birds report, which is released every four years by BirdLife International, shows that the expansion and intensification of agriculture is putting pressure on 73% of species. Logging, invasive species, exploitation of natural resources and climate breakdown are the other main threats.

Globally, 49% of bird species are declining, one in eight are threatened with extinction and at least 187 species are confirmed or suspected to have gone extinct since 1500. Most of these have been endemic species living on islands, although there is an increase in birds now going extinct on larger land masses, particularly in tropical regions. In Ethiopia, for example, the conversion of grassland to farmland has caused an 80% decrease in endemic Liben larks since 2007. Just 6% of bird species globally are increasing.

Dr Stuart But chart, chief scientist at Bird Life International, said: “We have to stop these declines and start getting on track for recovery. Our future, as well as the world’s birds, depends on it. If we continue to unravel the fabric of life, we’re going to continue to place our own future at threat.” 

The report is made up of a compendium of other studies, and because birds are the best-studied group on the planet, it gives an idea of the state of nature more generally. The previous State of the World’s Birds report, released in 2018, found 40% of bird species worldwide in decline. Wildfires feature more prominently in this report than previous editions, having increased and ravaged previously unaffected habitats. The succession of heat waves, droughts and floods in recent years will lead to widespread species extinctions if they continue, researchers warn, highlighting the importance of addressing the nature and climate crises at the same time.

Because birds are crucial indicators of environmental health, we know their loss signals threats to human health and well-being. Does the passage support the claim? Which evidence would be most credible to prove it?

Nearly half of the planet’s bird species are in decline, according to a definitive report that paints the grimmest picture yet of the destruction of avian life. The State of the World’s Birds report, which is released every four years by BirdLife International, shows that the expansion and intensification of agriculture is putting pressure on 73% of species. Logging, invasive species, exploitation of natural resources and climate breakdown are the other main threats.

Globally, 49% of bird species are declining, one in eight are threatened with extinction and at least 187 species are confirmed or suspected to have gone extinct since 1500. Most of these have been endemic species living on islands, although there is an increase in birds now going extinct on larger land masses, particularly in tropical regions. In Ethiopia, for example, the conversion of grassland to farmland has caused an 80% decrease in endemic Liben larks since 2007. Just 6% of bird species globally are increasing.

Dr Stuart But chart, chief scientist at Bird Life International, said: “We have to stop these declines and start getting on track for recovery. Our future, as well as the world’s birds, depends on it. If we continue to unravel the fabric of life, we’re going to continue to place our own future at threat.” 

The report is made up of a compendium of other studies, and because birds are the best-studied group on the planet, it gives an idea of the state of nature more generally. The previous State of the World’s Birds report, released in 2018, found 40% of bird species worldwide in decline. Wildfires feature more prominently in this report than previous editions, having increased and ravaged previously unaffected habitats. The succession of heat waves, droughts and floods in recent years will lead to widespread species extinctions if they continue, researchers warn, highlighting the importance of addressing the nature and climate crises at the same time.

As used in the third paragraph, the phrase "to unravel the fabric of life" has the closest meaning to ....

About 17% of global food production may go wasted, according to the UN Environment Programme’s (UNEP) Food Waste Index Report 2021, with 61% of this waste coming from households, 26% from food services, and 13% from retail. Food waste burdens waste management systems, increases food insecurity, and is a major contributor to the global problems of climate change, biodiversity loss, and pollution.

The Food Waste Index is the first of its kind to highlight the scale of the problem. Indeed, it suggests that global food waste could be more than twice the size of earlier estimates. Previous studies indicated that consumer food waste was exclusively a problem in developed countries, with production, storage, and transportation losses thought to be particular issues in the developing world. However, the report found that household food waste per capita is similar across high-income, upper middle-income, and lower middle-income countries. There was insufficient data on low-income ones.

The UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimates that 690 million people went hungry in 2019, with these figures likely to rise post-COVID. With food insecurity affecting so many people across the world, the World Economic Forum’s Incentivizing Food Systems Transformation report argues that a transformation of the food sector is required to establish sustainable, nutritious, and healthy food systems.

It estimates that food loss and waste costs the global economy $936 billion a year, with between 8-10% of global carbon emissions linked to unconsumed produce. Overall, food systems cost society $12 trillion dollars in health, economic and environmental costs – which is 20% more than the market value of food systems. The report outlines how food systems transformation can be incentivized, including by repurposing public investment and policies; redesigning business models; getting investors to set higher standards for companies; and encouraging consumers to shift demand to more socially-responsible products

The main purpose of the passage is to ....

About 17% of global food production may go wasted, according to the UN Environment Programme’s (UNEP) Food Waste Index Report 2021, with 61% of this waste coming from households, 26% from food services, and 13% from retail. Food waste burdens waste management systems, increases food insecurity, and is a major contributor to the global problems of climate change, biodiversity loss, and pollution.

The Food Waste Index is the first of its kind to highlight the scale of the problem. Indeed, it suggests that global food waste could be more than twice the size of earlier estimates. Previous studies indicated that consumer food waste was exclusively a problem in developed countries, with production, storage, and transportation losses thought to be particular issues in the developing world. However, the report found that household food waste per capita is similar across high-income, upper middle-income, and lower middle-income countries. There was insufficient data on low-income ones.

The UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimates that 690 million people went hungry in 2019, with these figures likely to rise post-COVID. With food insecurity affecting so many people across the world, the World Economic Forum’s Incentivizing Food Systems Transformation report argues that a transformation of the food sector is required to establish sustainable, nutritious, and healthy food systems.

It estimates that food loss and waste costs the global economy $936 billion a year, with between 8-10% of global carbon emissions linked to unconsumed produce. Overall, food systems cost society $12 trillion dollars in health, economic and environmental costs – which is 20% more than the market value of food systems. The report outlines how food systems transformation can be incentivized, including by repurposing public investment and policies; redesigning business models; getting investors to set higher standards for companies; and encouraging consumers to shift demand to more socially-responsible products.

The passage states that while food waste is a global issue that affects the entire world, in the more developed countries, food waste occurs due to ....

About 17% of global food production may go wasted, according to the UN Environment Programme’s (UNEP) Food Waste Index Report 2021, with 61% of this waste coming from households, 26% from food services, and 13% from retail. Food waste burdens waste management systems, increases food insecurity, and is a major contributor to the global problems of climate change, biodiversity loss, and pollution.

The Food Waste Index is the first of its kind to highlight the scale of the problem. Indeed, it suggests that global food waste could be more than twice the size of earlier estimates. Previous studies indicated that consumer food waste was exclusively a problem in developed countries, with production, storage, and transportation losses thought to be particular issues in the developing world. However, the report found that household food waste per capita is similar across high-income, upper middle-income, and lower middle-income countries. There was insufficient data on low-income ones.

The UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimates that 690 million people went hungry in 2019, with these figures likely to rise post-COVID. With food insecurity affecting so many people across the world, the World Economic Forum’s Incentivizing Food Systems Transformation report argues that a transformation of the food sector is required to establish sustainable, nutritious, and healthy food systems.

It estimates that food loss and waste costs the global economy $936 billion a year, with between 8-10% of global carbon emissions linked to unconsumed produce. Overall, food systems cost society $12 trillion dollars in health, economic and environmental costs – which is 20% more than the market value of food systems. The report outlines how food systems transformation can be incentivized, including by repurposing public investment and policies; redesigning business models; getting investors to set higher standards for companies; and encouraging consumers to shift demand to more socially-responsible products.

As used in the third paragraph, the phrase "food insecurity" is closest in meaning to ....

About 17% of global food production may go wasted, according to the UN Environment Programme’s (UNEP) Food Waste Index Report 2021, with 61% of this waste coming from households, 26% from food services, and 13% from retail. Food waste burdens waste management systems, increases food insecurity, and is a major contributor to the global problems of climate change, biodiversity loss, and pollution.

The Food Waste Index is the first of its kind to highlight the scale of the problem. Indeed, it suggests that global food waste could be more than twice the size of earlier estimates. Previous studies indicated that consumer food waste was exclusively a problem in developed countries, with production, storage, and transportation losses thought to be particular issues in the developing world. However, the report found that household food waste per capita is similar across high-income, upper middle-income, and lower middle-income countries. There was insufficient data on low-income ones.

The UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimates that 690 million people went hungry in 2019, with these figures likely to rise post-COVID. With food insecurity affecting so many people across the world, the World Economic Forum’s Incentivizing Food Systems Transformation report argues that a transformation of the food sector is required to establish sustainable, nutritious, and healthy food systems.

It estimates that food loss and waste costs the global economy $936 billion a year, with between 8-10% of global carbon emissions linked to unconsumed produce. Overall, food systems cost society $12 trillion dollars in health, economic and environmental costs – which is 20% more than the market value of food systems. The report outlines how food systems transformation can be incentivized, including by repurposing public investment and policies; redesigning business models; getting investors to set higher standards for companies; and encouraging consumers to shift demand to more socially-responsible products.

It can be inferred from the passage that reducing food waste would ....

I. cut greenhouse gas emissions

II. slow the destruction of nature

III. enhance the availability of food

IV. increase food production